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^lltlTiimP'* quair and The quare of jelusy 

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The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 

From Pinkerton's Iconographies 







M.A. (St. And.), Hon. D.D. (Edin.) 






The aim of this book is twofold — to give the texts of the several 
poems as the manuscripts present them and as criticism would 
amend them, and to assign to them their place in the development 
of English and Scottish poetry. 

Interest centres in the Kingis Quair, and the chief points for 
discussion are raised by its character and history. Professor Skeat's 
edition of the poem and Professor Schick's edition of Lydgate's 
Temple of Glas, followed as they were after the lapse of a few 
years by Mr. J. T. T. Brown's challenge of the authenticity of 
the Quair, created a fresh interest in medieval Scottish poetry, and 
subsequent controversy by M. Jusserand and others has helped to 
make clear some things in Scottish history and literature which 
were before obscure and imperfectly apprehended. 

To Professor Skeat, Mr. Brown, and those who followed him, 
I am of necessity indebted, and this indebtedness is acknowledged 
in the Introduction and Notes. If at any point this has not been 
expressed, it is by inadvertence. On details of interpretation 
and on some points of textual criticism I have found Walther 
Wischmann's Untersuchungen uber das Kingis Quair Jakohs I von 
Schottland very helpful, and always acute.* 

The Quare of Jelusy, as will be evident from the Introduction, 
has a closer connection with the other Quair than accidental 
proximity in a unique MS. There has been but one previous 
edition, in 1836. Reprinting it, in a correct text, may therefore 
not be regarded as a literary crime. 

I have to express my thanks to Professor Skeat for his courtesy 
in allowing me to note his actual and suggested emendations of 

* Wischmann, who was latterly University Librarian at Kiel, died in 1905 
at the early age of forty-five. His death was a distinct loss to Middle English 
and Scottish scholarship. 


the text, to Mr. Maitland Anderson, University Librarian, 
St. Andrews, and to other authorities on script mentioned in 
Appendix C, for deliberate expression of opinion on the hand- 
writing of the scribes of the manuscript, and to my friends, the 
Rev. William Bayne, of the St. Andrews Provincial Committee's 
Training College, and George Soutar, Esq., D.Litt., University 
College, Dundee, for their great kindness in reading the proofs of 
the book. 

Last, but not least, I have to thank Principal Sir James Donaldson 
and the other members of St. Andrews University Court for their 
good-will in placing the book among our University PuWications. 

St. Andrews, 

September, 1910. 


Introduction ix-lxxxviii 

I. Life of King James I. - ix 

1. Until his Capture - ix 

2. In Captivity xvi 

3. Reign xxvii 

4. Accomplishments and Literary Reputation xl 
II. Authenticity of the Kingis Quair xliii 

III. The Kingis Quair and other Poetry Ix 

IV. Texts as in Manuscripts and as amended - Ixxvii 
V. The Language of the Poems - Ixxxiii 

References to Introduction - Ixxxix 

Amended Text 2 

Manuscript Text of Kingis Quair 3 

Ballad of Good Counsel 102 


Appendix A. — Date of the Capture of King James I. - 124 

„ B. — Several Accounts of the King's Death 1 2 5 

„ C— The Scribes of the Tw^o Quairs 126 

Notes to Kingis Quair 129 

Notes to Quare of Jelusy 149 

Glossary - - '5" 


Portrait of King James I. of Scotland from Pinkerton's Icono- 
graphies Frontispiece 


Beginning of Kingis Quair 3 

Conclusion oi Kingis Quair with, colophon loi 

ballad of Good Counsel as in Cambridge Manuscript — 

stanzas 2 and 3 of plate 103 

Beginning of Quare ofjelusy 104 

Conclusion of Quare ofjelusy 123 


S. Reading given or suggested by Rev. Professor W. W. Skeat, 
LL.D., in his edition of Kingis Quair, 1884. 

W. Reading suggested by Herr Walther Wischmann, Ph.D., in his 

W.W. Reading adopted from above. 
E.T. Mr. George Eyre-Todd. 

Alternative conjectural readings are printed between brackets, 
thus : ( ). 






King James I., like his ill-fated descendant Charles I., was born 
at Dunfermhne, probably in the earlier half of July/ 1394. 
Wyntoun^ gives the year, and, although he is not always accurate, 
the date is confirmed by inferences from statements as to the 
Prince's age at later periods, notably at the time of his capture by 
the English. The place and the month of his birth are attested 
by an interesting letter from his mother, Queen Annabella, to 
Richard 11. of England.^ "To (the) very high and mighty 
Prince R(ichard), by the grace of God, King of England, our 
very dear Cousin, A(nnabella), by the same grace Queen of 
Scotland, health and love. For your gracious letters presented to 
us by our well-beloved Douglas Herald-at-Arms we thank you 
wholly and from the heart : by them we have learned your good 
estate and health to our great pleasure and comfort. And, very 
dear Cousin, as to a treaty to be made touching the marriage 
between those near to you in blood and some of the children of 
the King, our Lord, and of us, be pleased to know now that it is 
agreeable to the King, my said Lord, and to us, as he has signified 
to you by his letters, and, in especial, in so far as the said treaty 
will not be able to hold from the third day of July by-past, for 
fixed and reasonable causes contained in your letters sent to the 
King, my Lord aforesaid, you have agreed thjt another day for 
the same treaty be taken, the first day of October next to come, 
which is agreeable to the King, my Sire aforesaid, and to us ; and 
we thank you with all our will and heart ; and we pray earnestly 


that you be willing to continue the said treaty, and to cause to be 
held the said day. For it is the will of the King, my Sire above- 
said, and of us, as far as in us is, that the said day be held without 
default. And, very dear Cousin, we ask you and pray you 
earnestly that it displease not your Highness that we have not 
sooner written to you. For you are to think of us as lying ill 
owing to the birth of a male child by name James. And we have 
been well and graciously delivered by the grace of God and of 
our Lady. And also because the King my said Lord, at the 
coming of your letters, was far distant in the isles of his kingdom, 
we did not receive his letters sent to us on this matter until the 
last day of July last by-past. Very high and mighty Prince, may 
the Holy Spirit guard you all your days. Given under our seal at 
the Abbey of Dunfermline the first day of August." 

Robert III. and Annabella had been crowned King and Queen 
in 1390 after the death of Robert II. at Dundonald on April 19 
of that year.* James was their third son. A second son, Robert, 
had died in infancy,^ and their eldest son David, afterwards Duke 
of Rothesay, was at the birth of James nearly sixteen.^ King 
Robert, who had been injured in youth by a kick from a horse,'' 
was an amiable and conciliatory man who loved the quiet and 
mild climate of Bute and the Western Isles, and he left the task 
of practical government to his masterful younger brother the Earl 
of Fife,^ who in 1389 had been appointed Regent and Governor 
of the kingdom by his father and the estates. Queen Annabella's 
letter shows that her lord was a sovereign more anxious to consider 
his consort's feelings than to direct the policy of the realm. 

As the whole after-life of James was coloured and modified by 
the public situation thus created in his childhood through the 
co-existence of a kind but weak father, a clever affectionate mother, 
a strong-willed uncle, and an elder brother growing to manhood, 
and, as the estimate of his character depends not a little upon the 
view we are compelled to take of his uncle, some attention must 
be paid to the history of the Scottish royal family during his early 

The mild father, like Isaac, has often a stirring son like Esau. 
Such was David, Earl of Carrick, who early played a part in 
public life. One of his first public acts, in all probability, was his 


arrangement of the Battle of the Clans, " which took place in the 
King's presence upon the Inch of Perth, not as stated by Sir 
Walter Scott upon Easter Sunday, but upon September 28, 1396."^ 
His importance as the heir-apparent was recognised by his advance- 
ment to the title of Duke of Rothesay, on April 28, 1398, when 
his uncle the Earl of Fife was created Duke of Albany, the title 
of Duke being then for the first time introduced into Scotland.^" 
Nine months afterwards — January 27, 1399 — the prince was by 
his father appointed Regent for three years, and a Council was 
selected to assist him in the work of government." In all prob- 
ability the Queen's hand was more active than the King's in this 
promotion of the Prince and supplanting of Albany. How the 
Prince bore himself cannot with any certainty be gathered from 
the tangled tale of his misfortunes in love, of his love of literature, 
and of his eagerness for public business in spite of a severely 
limited allowance from the public purse.^^ Collision with the 
masterful uncle whose post he now filled was inevitable, and 
equally inevitable in the Scotland of that time was the painting of 
the Prince's character to please the ruling power. It suited 
Albany to have him believed to be weak and worthless, that 
exaggerations and misrepresentations might help the plot against 
his rule. There were the usual complications with England, and 
these were followed by an invasion of Scotland in August, 1400.^* 
Unfortunately for the Duke of Rothesay, Queen Annabella died 
in the autumn of the same year,^* and there was no longer any 
effective head to the anti-Albany party. The greatest ecclesiastical 
post in the kingdom was vacant and was being bitterly wrangled 
about, and the vacancy seems to have suggested a very ominous 
kind of wrong-doing to the Prince. He seized the temporalities of 
the see of St. Andrews, and this act must have alienated churchmen, 
who were invariably well disposed to the sovereign. It certainly 
took the Prince to a region where Albany had great possessions and 
corresponding power. Albany imprisoned his nephew in the 
castle of St. Andrews,!^ whence, on March 25, 1402, the day 
being the day before Easter, he had him transferred to his own 
castle of Falkland. On Monday, March 27, the Prince was found 
dead, and it was widely believed that he had been murdered at 
the instigation of the uncle in whose house he died.^^ (Such an 


opportune death from natural causes is unusual.) Albany again 
became the real ruler of the kingdom. It was probably as easy a 
matter to get parliamentary proclamation of his innocence, and of 
the innocence of the Earl of Douglas appropriately associated with 
him, on May i6, 1402,1'^ as it was for the Earl of Bothwell to 
get a verdict of "Not Guilty" from a council of his peers in 
April, 1567. The Duke of Rothesay may have been, like his 
kinsman Darnley, a young fool and rake, but the proof is scarcely 
adequate save on one point. He was betrothed to the daughter 
of the Earl of March, and within a year he married a daughter of 
the Earl of Douglas.i^ He was certainly in the way of the 
person who again became Governor of Scotland after his death. 

It is necessary to bear this tragedy in mind if we are to compre- 
hend the policy of Albany in itself, and in its effect upon the 
temper and character of James I., who thus, as a child of seven, 
became heir-apparent to the crown of Scotland. Its immediate 
effect was to increase the vigilance of the King. James was sent 
to the castle of St. Andrews ^^ and placed in the keeping of 
Henry Wardlaw who had been Bishop there since the year of 
Rothesay's death. Here, some time before January 18, 1404,^* 
James received a companion of his own age in the person of the 
young Percy, son of Hotspur. (Percy was born on February 3, 
1394.)^! And although it is fiction and not history that together 
they trod the road of letters at the now venerable but then newly 
established University of St. Andrews,^^ it is not improbable that 
the sight of the two boys at their books in his sea-beat palace 
helped to suggest to the good Bishop the foundation of a university 
in the ecclesiastical capital.* But the thought only became fact on 
February 27, 141 2, when Bishop Wardlaw granted the charter 
which instituted the first Scottish university.^ Of the boyish 
pleasures and studies of James there is no record. 

Late in 1405, or early in 1406, King Robert and his confidential 
advisers decided to send the young prince to France to complete 

* St. Andrews was already a favourite place of education and had schools, 
although the university was not in existence. In 1383 and 1384 payments 
were made for the expenses of James Stewart, an illegitimate son of Robert II., 
who was under the care of the Bishop of St. Andrews, and for Gilbert de 
Haia, son of Thomas de Haia, while at the schools of St. Andrews. (Grant, 
History of the Burgh Schools of Scotland, p. 13.) 


his education, and to be out of the reach of his energetic and not 
over-scrupulous uncle.^* The project seems to have been veiled 
or obscured in some way, possibly to deceive Albany and his 
partisans in Scotland. At least, this is a natural inference from a 
remarkably confused passage in Wavrin^^ which records the pre- 
sence of James at the siege of Melun. " This King of Scotland, of 
whom at present we make mention, was prisoner of King Henry, 
and the manner of his capture I will tell you as I have been 
informed by two noble knights, natives of the kingdom of England, 
who told me that King David (sic) of Scotland had a son named 
James who greatly desired to make the holy pilgrimage to 
Jerusalem. He was counselled, in order securely to accomplish 
this desire, that he had need of a safe-conduct from King Henry, 
which he obtained for himself and twenty gentlemen ; then he 
made his preparations and took leave of the king, his father. So 
he came into England, where he was honourably entertained and 
grandly received by the Duke of Gloucester (Clocestre), brother 
of the king, and by other great lords, ladies, and maidens. Now, 
while he was still sojourning there, he received news of a grievous 
illness which had seized the king, his father, and of which he died. 
Therefore he greatly grieved when he knew the truth by the 
princes and great lords of the kingdom of Scotland, who announced 
it to him as to the only son and heir to the crown, indicating to 
him that he should come to take possession of his lands and lord- 
ships. The Duke of Gloucester, on being informed of the death 
of the King of Scotland, let King Henry his brother know at 
once, and he enjoined him to detain the said James in taking his 
pledge and bringing him before the city of Melun where he was, 
saying that he had not given safe-conduct to the King of Scotland, 
but to the son of the King of Scotland, who was henceforth King 
of Scotland by the death of King David his father. Finally he 
remained a prisoner and was brought to France to the presence 
of King Henry before Melun." There is here a plentiful crop of 
blunders. David is put for Robert, and Robert's death is made 
sixteen years later than the event. Yet there may be some sub- 
stratum of truth in the mention of a desire on the part of James 
to go on pilgrimage to the Holy Land. No Scottish writer, 
however, speaks of a request for, or of the granting of a safe- 


conduct, and Wyntoun, who makes much of English bad faith in 

the capture of James, must have known if such dishonourable 

practice there had been.^^ 

Whatever the motive of the journey, preparations for sending 

James to France began early in 1406. The manner of his sailing 

implies a fear of capture and a manifest desire to keep arrangements 

from the knowledge of enemies at home and abroad. The Kingis 

Quair, stanza XX., gives the time of departure : it was shortly 

after the vernal equinox, but the poem sheds no light upon motive, 

or special preparations or precautions : 

Were it causit throu heuinly influence 
Off goddis will, or other casualtee, 
Can I noght say. 

(Stanza XXII.) 

James is simply described as a child about three years past the 
state of innocence, who was sent out of the country by the advice 
of those in whose care he was : 

Bot out of my contree 
By thaire avise that had of me the cure 
Be see to pass tuke I myn auenture. 

(Stanza XXII.) 

The Scottish historian who gives the clearest account is Bel- 
lenden : ^'^ " Thus was it concludit be the king to send his son 
other in France or England quhair he (myght) eschew al treason 
devisit agains him. Sone efter ane schip wes providit with al 
necessaris, and tendir supplicationis direckit baith to the king of 
France and Ingland to ressaive him undir thair targe, protection, 
and benevolence, gife it happinit him to arrive within any of thair 
realmes. Hary Lord Sinclair, the secund Earl of Orkney, was 
chosin to this besiness, and pullit up sales at the Bass, hauand the 
said James and the young Perse with many othir nobles and 
gentlemen of Scotland in his company. This James, richt wery 
be uncouth air and corruption of seis, desirit to refresch him on 
the land, and was soon takin with all his company be that maner. 
Otheris writes that he was takin at Flamburghead apon the seis, 
be Inglishmen quhilkis war advertist be treason of certain Scottis 
of his passage to France. Truth is he was takin the ix^^ jer of 
his age, the xxx day of Marche, fra our redemption mcccciv^^ 5eris 
and was haddin in captivite be Inglishmen xviii jeris."^** 


Again The Kingis Qua'ir is tantalisingly general in its account. 
The voyagers were well provided for, they sailed in the morning, 
they made " many goodby," they " puUit up saile," they tossed 
about on the waves, and they were forcibly captured by enemies 
and brought into their country .^^ The poet says nothing about 
truce-breaking, and as a matter of fact, on March 30, 1406, there 
was no truce between Scotland and England. How James and 
his company had only reached Flamborough Head on March 30 is 
a mystery, if they set sail near the vernal equinox, as the poet says. 
Indeed, contrary to the poetic statement in the Qua'ir, they had 
probably sailed from the Bass early in February, as Sir David 
Fleming of Cumbernauld who had seen the prince embark was 
killed on his way home on February 14, 1406.^^ 

The departure of James from Scotland and the manner of his 
capture are also clearly set down by Walsingham,^^ -yvfjo gives the 
correct date 1406. He first mentions the murder of Fleming of 
Cumbernauld, and then says that the Scots were provoked to civil 
war and forced to sue for a truce for a year : " treugas annales 
petere coguntur. Quibus formatis in terra Scoti misere per aequora 
filium Regis sui et heredem ut coalesceret et informaretur in 
Francia de facetia linguaque Gallica. Quern quidam nautae de 
Cley in Norfolchia cepere fortuito et quemdam Episcopum comi- 
temque de Orkenay, quibus comraissus fuerat a patre sue, et ad 
Angliam deduxerunt Regique dederunt. Rex, vero, resolutus in 
jocos, dixit : ' Certe, si grati fuissent Scoti hunc misissent mihi 
juvenem instituendum, nam et idioma Franciae ego novi.' Missique 
sunt ad Turrim Londiniarum dictus juvenis et Comes Orkadum, 
Episcopo per fugam lapso." Walsingham evidently knew nothing 
of the prince's distaste of the sea and wish to land, and nothing 
of the tale that he was compelled to land by stress of weather : 
"cassin be tempest of wedder as he was passing to France." ^^ 
According to Bower ^^ James on being captured was taken first of 
all to the Castle of Penvai. Bellenden,^^ like his original, gives 
the substance of a letter addressed to Henry IV. which the young 
prince carried, but this letter in all probability is not a historical 
document, though Tytler accepts the tenor of it as genuine.^^ 

In the midst of this confusion and contradiction one fact and 
one date are clear and indisputable. Robert III. died at Rothesay 


on April 4, 1406, the day being the feast of S. Ambrose and Palm 
Sunday. ^^ His death is invariably associated with the tidings of 
his son's capture. It is also possible that consciousness of the near 
approach of death had impelled the King to send his heir to a place 
of safety. A boy of eleven was in danger sufficient between 
Albany and the Douglases. If James were captured on March 30, 
his father in the island of Bute could scarcely have had news of 
his misfortune on April 4. Dunbar,^^ accepting Wyntoun's state- 
ment that the capture was on Palm Sunday, makes the capture of 
the prince and the death of King Robert fall on the same day. In 
June, 1406, a Council General of the Estates at Perth recognised 
the young King's title, and appointed Albany Governor of the 

In these events and the consequent confirmation of the rule ot 
Albany, coinciding, as they do, with the reign of Henry IV. in 
England, we have a curious parallel to the situation which was to 
emerge in 1568 when Queen Mary was made prisoner by 
Elizabeth. We have an English sovereign with a doubtful title, 
a divided people, and an emphatically hostile Northumbria ; and 
we have a Scottish government which is avowedly temporary, 
while the legitimate Scottish monarch is in the power of the 
English ruler, who is thus able to control the northern kingdom, 
because the rightful governor might at any moment be released, if 
the de facto ruler should prove too troublesome to his southern 
neighbour. James had two circumstances favourable to him 
which did not exist in the reign of his illustrious descendant. 
The Catholic Church in Scotland was then undivided, and 
Churchmen were eminently loyal, while the French government 
fully recognised and valued the alliance with Scotland. Yet in 
spite of these favouring influences James remained almost as long 
in English keeping as Queen Mary, though his release from 
captivity came in a fashion more creditable to his captors. 



The first English reierence to James as a captive is on 
August 14, 1406 -y Richard Spice, Lieutenant of Sir Thomas 
Rempton, Constable of the Tower of lyondon, is noted as 


receiving ^44 7s. lod. "for the expenses of the household of the 
King of Scotland and other prisoners in his keeping." On 
December 10 of the same year,^ Spice receives " in part of 
£<,() 13s. 4d. for the expense of the King of Scotland's son, John 
Toures (? Forrest), William Seton, John GifFard, and Sir 
Donkerton, chaplain, under his ward in the Towner, viz., 
7 marks from July 6-13 last, and from that date 6s. 8d. daily, for 
the expenses of the said King's son, and 3s. 4d. for the others, till 
September 30 last : no days, ^^54 6s. 6d."^ Now if we reckon 
the sum of ^^44 7s. lod. as payment for the same persons at the 
same rate, prior to July 6, we find that James and his companions 
must have been committed to the Tower about May 2, 1406. 
On December 13 of the same year, Sir Ralph Bracebrigge, 
Lieutenant of the Tower of London, received ^53 6s. 8d. "for 
the expenses of the household of the K(ing) of Scotland's son, 
Owain Glendourdy, and others in his keeping, at the King's cost, 
in the Tower."* From this date until June 12, 1407, James was 
a prisoner in the Tower of London. On that day he was 
entrusted to Richard, Lord Gray of Codenore, that he might be 
taken to Nottingham Castle.^ He was in Lord Gray's care at 
Nottingham throughout the remainder of 1407 and part of 1408, 
for, on November 16, 1408, Lord Gray received payment of his 
expenses at Evesham.^ On 2 1 December following, warrant was 
issued to the Chancellor for safe-conducts " until Easter next, for 
Walter, Bishop of Brechin, Duncan, Earl of Lennox, William, 
Lord of Graham, John Stewart of Lome, Walter Stewart of 
Raylston, Knight, Master Robert of Lanyne, Provost of the 
Church of St. Andrews, John of Glasgow and John of Busby, 
Canons of Moray and Dunblane, about to come to the King's 
presence to treat for the deliverance of James, son of the late 
K(ing) of Scotland and other arduous matters touching the good 
of both realms."^ This is the first recorded effort to secure the 
liberation of the royal prisoner. A glimpse is given of the English 
spirit in these transactions with Albany, by the tenor of the com- 
mission for a new truce. The commissioners are to treat " cum 
Roberto Duce Albaniae, Regni Scotias, ut asserit, Gubernatore." 
A Scottish reader smiles grimly at Henry IV., the usurping 
Bolingbroke, styling James " son of the King of Scotland " and 


Albany " Governor of the kingdom of Scotland as he avers." 
Albany, in his communications, seems to have ignored the cap- 
tivity of James, for in a letter of date May 6, 1410, from "our 
manor of Falkland," he discusses a truce to be kept till May 21, 

141 1, and he makes not the remotest allusion to his captive 
nephew.® This indifference was not general in Scotland, and in 
all probability a proposed visit of Elisabeth, Duchess of Rothesay, 
and the Lord of Lorn and others was planned in the interest of 
the King.^ Another Scottish party, headed by the Bishop of 
Brechin, had a safe-conduct issued to them on May 15, 1412,^" 
and one is disposed to ask — " Were they a counter-mission in 
Albany's interest or another embassy in the interest of James ?" 

During this period of James's captivity one event of considerable 
national importance took place. This was the foundation of 
St. Andrews University by his old guardian Bishop Wardlaw. 
It is all but certain that King James was in communication with 
the good bishop and his advisers, and that he was kept informed 
of what was happening in Scotland, for the King's name, not that 
of Albany, Governor of Scotland, is associated with the Bishop 
and Chapter, Prior and Archdeacon, in a petition to Benedict XIIL 
(Peter de Luna) for Papal confirmation and foundation of the 
University of St. Andrews."- Bower expressly mentions the 
King's interest in the foundation of the University and his writing 
to the Pope letters with his own hand.^^ 

Albany, who could not procure the release of his sovereign and 
nephew, succeeded eventually in effecting the release of his own 
son. A safe-conduct for the hostages of Murdoch, Master of Fife, 
was issued on May 18, 1412, and a truce for six years was pro- 
claimed on the preceding day.^* In this proclamation there is no 
" ut asserit " after Albany's title. The release of Murdoch did 
not, however, take place until December, 141 5." 

We find an isolated fact concerning James in a letter to 
Henry IV. from his son, probably Humphrey, Duke of 
Gloucester. The letter was written at Southampton on May 14, 

141 2. The writer refers to his brother of Bedford and his forces, 
and says that his great ship the Grace Dieu is ready for sea, and 
that the King of Scots is on his way to testify his goodwill to the 
King. " And, Sir, I trowe ye haue on comyng toward jow as 


glad as any man can be as far as he sheweth, that is the King of 
Scottes, for he thankith God that he sud mow (now) shewe be ex- 
perience thentent of his goodwill be the suffrance of your good 

The letter is subscribed " your trewe and humble 

liege man and sone 
H. G."i5 

In November of this year, as we learn from a letter of his own/^ 
James was at Croydon residing, probably, as Mr. J. T. T. Brown 
supposeSji'^ in the palace of Archbishop Arundel. Little more 
than three months later Henry IV. died, on March 20, 1413, and 
the writer of the Book of Pluscarden'^^ credits the dying monarch 
with a desire to have James set free without a ransom. " Et 
licet dictus rex Anglias Henricus ultima sua voluntate ordinavit 
filio suo Henrico, qui Franciam hostiliter invasit, quod dictus rex 
Scotiae libere ad patriam transmitteretur sine quacunque redemp- 
cione, non tamen filius hoc perimplere curavit." What founda- 
tion there may have been for this report of a death-bed counsel of 
clemency we know not. Henry V. paid no heed to it, for one of 
his earliest acts as sovereign, on March 21, 141 3, was to consign 
James, his cousin Murdoch, Douglas of Dalkeith, and William 
GiiFord to the custody of the Constable of the Tower.^* Payments 
were made on June 27 and July 1 7 for the prisoner's maintenance,^" 
and on August 3, 1413, James was transferred to Windsor Castle,^^* 
thence to Pevensey,^^ and again to Windsor. ^^ In view of the 
romance of his marriage one is tempted to put certain questions. 
Was this his first Windsor captivity ? Were the Beauforts living 
there then or later ? Had Major authority for his statement — 
" because he was kept prisoner in a castle or chamber, in which a 
lady dwelt with her mother"?^ From Windsor, probably in the 
late autumn, James was sent once more to the Tower, where he 
seems to have remained throughout 1414.^ 

The Spring of 141 4 had seen the fulfilment of one ambition 
which James had shared with Bishop Wardlaw. This was the 
confirmation of the Foundation- Charter of the University by 

* In August, 141 3, Henry V. made a further effort to persuade James to 
sacrifice the independence of Scotland by swearing homage to him under pain 
of perpetual imprisonment. (Scotichron, ii., pp. 586-7.) 


Benedict XIII., who on August 28, 1413, at Peniscola in Spain, 
had granted no fewer than six Bulls which were brought to the 
city by Henry Ogilvy on February 3, 1414, to the great delight 
of the clergy and citizens, who celebrated the event with much 
rejoicing. ^^ 

We owe our knowledge of an incident of 1415 to a petition from 
one Thomas Hasely to King Henry VI. The petitioner craves a 
reward for services rendered to King Henry V. in recapturing 
Thomas Payne, one of Sir John Oldcastle's principal confederates. 
" And so with the help and grace of Almighty God youre seid 
serviteur toke hym and arrested hym atte mydnyght in a place 
beside your castle of Wyndesore wher atte that tyme was the 
Kyng of Scottes kept as prisoner to your said fader, and that same 
nyght the said traitour should have broken the said castell be 
treason and goin with the said Kyng toward Scotland, in proef 
whereof I found in the traitouris purs a cedule writen of alle 
places of giftes and loggynges appointed for him fro Wyndesore 
unto Edynbourgh in Scotland." ^'^ 

On March 17, 141 5, in a Parliament or Council held at Perth 
(!) there were read letters from Edward King of England dated 
March i, in the second year of his reign, at York. These letters 
declared the independence of Scotland, the King renouncing any 
claim, if claim he had, to the allegiance of Scotland. This was 
evidently an assertion of the rights of the Scottish Crown as they 
were acknowledged by the Treaty of Northampton in 1328, 
(Act Pari, of Scot., vol. i., p. 572.) 

The battle of Agincourt, October 25, 1415, sent another royal 
prisoner to England, Charles d'Orl6ans, like James a poet ; but 
there is no record of any intercourse between the French prince 
and the Scottish King.^^ Indeed Henry's French enterprise had 
proved an incitement to Albany, who proceeded to besiege Ber- 
wick.^^ Albany's hostility and diplomacy together accomplished 
one object at which he had long been aiming : on December 11, 
141 5, his son Murdoch was liberated in exchange for young 

King James, now a man of twenty-one, would hardly have been 
human if he had not chafed under his continued captivity. There 
was therefore a fresh movement for his deliverance. On April 26, 


141 6, a safe-conduct was granted to the Abbot of Balmerino and 
others " to treat for deliverance of the King of Scots and upon 
certain other matters concerning the state of the kingdoms of 
England and Scotland." ^^ On December 8 of the same year there 
is reference ^^ to a desire on the part of James to go to Scotland 
and remain for a time : the Bishop of Durham and the Earls of 
Northumberland and Westmoreland are authorised to receive the 
obligations of hostages or the payment of one hundred thousand 
marks, if James should not return.^^ A safe-conduct of the same 
date for persons coming to James's presence indicates that the 
king has been troublesome. It styles him James Stew^art " Regem 
Scotiae se dicentem." The commissioners vs^ho had the safe- 
conduct were a mixed body of friends and foes : Wardlaw, Bishop 
of St. Andrews, the Bishop of Glasgow, the recently-liberated 
Murdoch, son and heir of Albany, and the Earl of Douglas. The 
mission came to nothing, as was probably the intention both of 
Henry V. and Albany. For proof of James's impatience we are 
not restricted to inference : he wrote certain letters** which are 
extant in draft. Unhappily they are not dated, but Sir William 
Fraser is probably right in assigning them to a date prior to 
Murdoch's release. The documents "appear to be the original 
draft by the secretary of King James the First of the letters before 
being engrossed and despatched to the respective noblemen to 
whom they were addressed." ^^ All show James's displeasure, and, 
in spite of a cautious and well-considered mode of address, betray 
distrust of Albany's sincerity and zeal, and a too ingenuous con- 
fidence in the goodwill and reasonableness of Henry V. A letter 
from London dated August 8, year not mentioned, and addressed 
to the burgh of Perth, reveals a further cause of uneasiness.^ The 
King could not get his own revenues, which should have been sent 
from Scotland, to defray his necessary expenses, and he solicits 
a gift or loan from the rulers of the Fair City. One hopes that 
the good burgesses were more thoughtful than the Governor of 
the kingdom, and that they sent of their " propir guids with ane 
honest burges of (thair) awin." The letters to Albany and others 
were almost certainly written from Stratford Abbey.*^ When 
James went there, or when he left, is not recorded, but we know 
from the Proceedings of the Privy CounciP^ that early in March, 


1 41 7, he was allowed to travel to the north of England "to await 
the coming of those who were to come to treat about his deliver- 
ance." The commissioners were allowed to take him to the Castle 
of Raby, but he was not to be allowed to remain more than eight 
days after the Scots came to his presence. 

This conference, also, came to nothing and James returned to 
London, whence in May, 1418,'^ he was removed to Kenilworth, 
where he seems to have remained*" until March 7, 1420,*^ as on 
this day Sir John Rushworth received one hundred pounds for his 

Meanwhile the Franco-Scottish alliance was giving no little 
trouble to Henry V. Albany had allowed a Scottish contingent 
to serve in France, and Henry, thinking to influence the Scots by 
the presence of their king in the English army, brought James 
from his prison to join him at Melun. James journeyed by way 
of Southampton, where he was on May 6, 1420.*^ On July 12 
he received money for armour, wearing apparel, horses, and lances 
for himself and his company. James was associated in his command 
with Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester.*^ 

Earlier historians invented a telling dialogue between the two 
kings : " King Henry desirit the said James to pas to the Scottis 
in France and command thame in his name to return to Scotland," 
and he promised to remit his ransom and send him to Scotland 
with great riches and honour. " James considers himself, but says 
he has no power as long as he is a private man and kept in cap- 
tivity." Whereupon King Henry exclaimed : " Maist happy 
peple sail thay be that happinnis to get yon nobil man to thair 
prince !"** Such romantic generosity was, unhappily, foreign to 
the real nature of Shakespeare's Hero King of England. On the 
surrender of Melun, Henry V. hanged his Scottish prisoners as 
traitors on the ground that they had been fighting against their 
own king. ^5 In the presence of such tyrannous cruelty James 
was powerless. 

Henry married the princess Katharine of France on June 27, 
and towards the end of the year he returned to England with his 
bride, and doubtless with the King of Scotland in his train. 
Katharine was crowned on S. Valentine's Day 1421, and imme- 
diately thereafter the Court made a progress through the country. 


King James was with the royal party, and was present at a 
banquet in the Queen's honour at Leicester on February 27. 
" Fyrste the Queene satte in hyr astate, and the Archbyshope of 
Cantyrbury and the Byschop of Wynchester sate on the ryght 
syde of the Queen, and they were servyd next unto the quene, 
every cours coveryde as the quenis, and on the lyft side was the 
Kyng of Schottys sette on hys astate upon the lyfte syde of the 
Quene that was servyd alle way neste the quene and the byschoppes 
aforesaide."*^ This triumphal progress, designed to end at York, 
was cut short by the arrival of news of the battle of Bauge. There 
on March 23, 1421, the subjects of King James helped to reward 
the English King for his severity at Melun by defeating his 
troops and killing his brother the Duke of Clarence.*^ They also 
captured the Earl of Somerset, future father-in-law of King James. 
Later in the same year James gave emphatic indication of his 
desire to be friendly with England. He consented to an indenture 
of Archibald, Earl of Douglas, with the King of England, by 
which instrument Douglas bound himself " to serve the King of 
England and his heirs against all his enemies, the King of Scots 
and his heirs excepted, with two hundred knights and squires and 
two hundred mounted archers."** On the following day Henry 
intimated the terms on which he was willing to allow James to 
visit Scotland.*^ These terms throw some light upon the mood of 
the English King, for practically they came to this. James was to 
send to England as hostages all the chief prelates, noblemen, and 
gentlemen of Scotland, except the Duke of Albany and the Earl 
of Douglas. Albany was to send his eldest son, and Douglas his 
second son.^° It was a grotesque proposal made only that it might 
be rejected, and it possibly undeceived James as to the graciousness 
of his cousin the King of England. Nevertheless one seems to 
read in the changed phraseology of legal documents a certain 
growing kindness towards the captive King. In a safe-conduct, 
October 14, 1421, he is "the King's dearest cousin, James, King 
of Scots. "^^ Towards the close of the year James is once more in 
the Tower of London.^^ This captivity was varied by another 
sojourn in France. He proved a good soldier : " What his valour 
was the wars of France bear witness. For, accompanying the 
King of England there, he laid siege to the town of Dreux, and 


with such violence and valour (saith the English History) assaulted 
it for the space of six weeks that with main strength he compelled 
it to be rendered into his hands and given to King Henry." ^^* On 
August 25, 1422, Sir William Meryng and others were paid for 
attendance upon him at Rouen and elsewhere for two hundred 
and ten days.^^ Within a week of this date Henry V. died at 
Bois Vincent, and left as his successor the child Henry VI., whose 
reign was to be even more unfortunate than that of James I. of 
Scotland. James was with Queen Katharine when she brought 
her husband's body to England,^* and thereafter he was at the 
English Court.*^ Whether the Lady Joan Beaufort was of the 
Queen's circle we have no means of knowing ; probably she was. 
He was at the palace of Westminster for twenty-four days, but 
on February 17, 1423, he was in prison at Pontefract.^^ Negotia- 
tions for his release begin again at this point, and henceforward, 
until they are completed, we can trace with tolerable clearness in 
official documents the progress of his love-suit and of his liberation, 
which are to some extent bound up together. 

On May 12, 1423, a safe-conduct is sent to the Bishop of 
Glasgow, Chancellor of Scotland, and others coming to treat of 
the deliverance of " our cousin, the King of Scots."^'' Later in 
the same month James is paid a hundred pounds for his private 
expenses,^^ and on June 30 warrant is given on a generous scale 
for various payments on his account.^^ A week later the com- 
missioners who are to treat with the Scottish ambassadors receive 
their instructions which are singularly elaborate and diplomatic. 
If the Scots ambassadors wish to have a private conference with 
their King before the arrival of the Lord Chancellor the English 
commissioners are to grant it, but not at once. They are to be 
ill to persuade : " reddentes tamen se difficiles in hujusmodi 
Licentia concedenda." They are to ask ^^40,000 as ransom, and 
they may abate to ^^30,000, but no further. The English govern- 
ment was thus to be paid more than ^^1,500 a year for their 
prisoner's maintenance, though the highest sum paid for him in 
the later years of his captivity was ;^700 a year. The most 
important private instruction related to a possible English marriage 
for James. " Also, if the ambassadors from Scotland, for nourish- 
ing and preserving greater friendship, should seek covenants and 


alliances by marriage between the said King of Scots and any 
noble lady of the realm of England, let the commissioners of the 
said Lord, our King, make answer that the said King of Scots 
knows many noble women, some even of the royal stock." " If 
the King of Scots in these circumstances makes known his wishes, 
the ambassadors are to communicate with him or his representa- 
tives more fully as time and circumstances permit. If nothing is 
said by the Scots about marriage the English are not to mention 
it, as the women of the realm of England, at least those of noble 
birth, are not wont to offer themselves in marriage unsolicited.''^*" 

Plainly the English Council had grounds for believing that 
James had formed an attachment to one of the ladies of the 
Court, and perhaps wished to test his sincerity, for such an attach- 
ment might have been but a passing mood or even a diplomatic 
move like Randolph's wooing of Mary Bethune. The language 
of the instructions is as pointed as the circumstances allow, and 
yet it is so guarded that no one could be compromised if James 
and the Scots were silent on the subject. The Bishop of 
Winchester, afterwards Cardinal Beaufort, had probably en- 
couraged the royal love match, for the Duke of Gloucester, when 
he attacked him in 1440 for advising the liberation of Charles 
d'Orleans, made it a ground of accusation, in a letter to Henry VI., 
that he had done the like for the King of Scots. " Item as in your 
tendre age the saide cardinal, thanne being bishop of Winchestre 
and chauncellier of England, delivered the king of Scottes upon 
certaine appointments, as may be shewed and is presumed to be 
doen by auctorite of parlement, where in dede I have herd full 
notable men of the Lower House saye that they never hard of it 
amonges them which was to great defraudacion to youre highnesse, 
and al to wedde his nece to the saide kyng, whom my lord youre 
fader (whom God assoile) wolde never have so delivered. And 
when he should have paied for his costs xl. m. 1. the saide cardinal, 
so being chauncellier, caused you to pardonne hym x. m. marc, 
and as of the grete some he paied you right litel I reporte me to 
youre highnesse."®^ 

Murdoch, Duke of Albany, who had succeeded his father as 
Governor of Scotland in 1420,^^ issued his commission to the 
Scottish ambassadors at Inverkeithing on August 19, 1423.^^ 


On September ii, in the chapter-house of York Minster the 
conditions of the King's release were agreed to, and among the 
articles of agreement there was one that it seemed expedient that 
the said lord, King James, should contract a marriage with some 
high-born lady of the realm of England. The terms of ransom 
were very oppressive. A total of ^^40,000 was to be paid in 
yearly sums of 10,000 merks, the last instalment of which might 
be remitted. This agreement shows that the Scots had not 
" haggled " over the bargain. The Scottish ambassadors had not 
been instructed about the names and rank of the hostages — which 
omission looks like a bit of " slimness " on the part of Murdoch. 
James was to go on March i, 1424, to Durham or to the Castle 
of Brainspath near Durham that he might be able to treat with 
nobles of his blood and subjects of his kingdom, who were to be 
his hostages.^* All details, however, had been settled before 
March i, 1424, for on December 4, 1423, four of the Scottish 
commissioners had signed letters declaring the terms of payment, 
the date and place where hostages were to be delivered, and the 
obligations of the four chief Scottish burghs, Edinburgh, Perth, 
Aberdeen, and Dundee.^ There was a stipulation that the father 
of a hostage was not to disinherit his son. The obligations of the 
four burghs were guaranteed, February 16-20. 

In anticipation of his freedom, and the marriage which was to 
crown it, James had spent his Christmas in Hertford Castle with 
Queen Katharine. He was married to Joan Beaufort by the 
Bishop of Winchester at the church of -St. Mary Overy, South- 
wark, on S. Valentine's Eve, 1424.^" The entry in the chronicle 
of William Gregory is amusing. " And that same year in the 
monythe of Feverer the Stywarde of the Kings of Scottys whose 
name was Jamys weddyd the Erlys daughter of Somerset at Synt- 
Mary Overes."^'' As dowry James received remission of ten 
thousand merks of his ransom.^^ After a brief honeymoon in 
London the young King and Queen set out for Scotland in March. 
The concluding act of the diplomatic bargaining took place at 
Durham where hostages were delivered, and where on March 28 
James agreed to a truce with England for seven years from May 
following.*"^ On the same day he took an oath that " within four 
days to be computed from the first day of his entry into his own 


kingdom he would promise solemnly, and on his royal word would 
swear upon the Holy Scriptures of God, by him corporally 
touched, that he would fully and faithfully do and fulfil all and 
several the things agreed upon in the instruments for his liberation."'''* 
This agreement was carried out at Melrose on April 5, " in the 
nineteenth year of our reign," and a letter confirming it was sent 
to the Bishop of Durham by the hands of William Scott, Master 
in Arts.'''- In the Bishop's absence the letter was to be delivered 
to the Prior of the monastery of Durham. 

From Melrose onward King James and his consort made a 
royal progress amid the acclamations of their subjects, who had 
high hopes of a reign opening thus with liberty regained and their 
King's most happy marriage. 



King James and Queen Joan kept Easter in Edinburgh, not long 
thereafter journeying to Perth, then the capital, and on May 21 they 
were crowned at Scone.^ Their joint reign lasted nearly thirteen 
years. It was marked by a singularly close affection between royal 
husband and wife as well as by a public policy which shews that 
James I. may rightly be regarded as in many ways the greatest and 
most enlightened of Scottish sovereigns. Some comprehension of 
the King's nature is necessary if we are to estimate aright the poems 
commonly attributed to him, and his character comes out in his 
legislation as well as in what is known of his private life. For 
James's public policy, in so far as it made of the Scottish people a 
nation with worthy ideals and a spirit of loyalty to the Crown, 
and, indeed, in so far as it failed of the complete success which it 
deserved, was due to a certain poetic ardour, and to the moral 
severity of an idealism which underrated the temper and un- 
scrupulousness of the men whose injurious privileges and ex- 
travagant power he steadily sought by force of law to restrain. 
There is in him an imaginative strain, a quick feeling for men 
as men, a tender solicitude for the poorer members of the com- 
monalty, and there is a corresponding resentment against the 
independence and ambition of many of his nobles, who were too 


often as antagonistic to royal authority as they were regardless 
of the rights of the poor, and of the general welfare of the 
country. In this idealism and in concern for the dim common 
population he was the true ancestor of all the Stuarts except 
James VI. and Charles II., the two who died comfortably in their 
beds. In his pure and affectionate family life, and in the studied 
deference which he shewed to his Queen there is the same 
chivalrous temper ; and the end of all came, because, idealist as 
he was, he mis-read the character of a crafty old kinsman whom 
he had benefited, the spirit of an enemy whom he had perhaps 
wronged, and of a young cousin and courtier for whom he 
cherished a too warm and trusting affection. In this also he was 
the ancestor of all the more amiable Stuarts. For his idealism 
made him blind to the dangerous side of those whom he favoured. 
Rightly to interpret the leading features of the reign it is 
necessary to bear in mind not only the idealistic temper of the 
King but also the experience through which he had passed' before 
he came to the throne. For eighteen years he had lived a life 
which made knowledge of men difficult, and knowledge of his own 
countrymen, save a few personal attendants, impossible. Not less 
important is this fact : the government of Albany and his son, 
by its avowedly temporary and make-shift character, aggravated 
certain evils in the Scottish body politic. Bower, who is de- 
cidedly favourable to the elder Albany, says : " He governed 
virtuously : and if under his rule any crimes were committed by 
the powerful he patiently overlooked them for the time ; and 
those evils he understood how to reform when a fitting oppor- 
tunity offered, or to effect improvement according to his wishes, 
giving heed to the sentiment of Claudian : ' Quod violenta 
nequit, peragit tranquilla potestas.' " ^ These opportune reforms 
Bower does not mention in detail, and as the parliamentary 
records of Albany's government are all but wholly lost, it is not 
possible to estimate the character of his legislation. Murdoch 
Bower dismisses in a couple of sentences. " He was too remiss 
in government, wherefore his sons became more insolent than 
was right, doing what they pleased, not what was lawful, and 
they were punished when the King came to his own."^ This is 
emphasised when Bower speaks of what was told to James on the 


first day of his entering into his kingdom that " government was 
slack and that his subjects were exposed to theft, fraud and 
rapine." This statement called forth the memorable answer that 
" if he lived, even if but the life of a dog, by the help of God he 
would make the key keep the castle and the furze bush the cow, 
throughout the realm."* 

More than common heed must also be paid to the character 
of the King's uncle, Walter Stuart, Earl of Atholl. (He had been 
energetic in procuring the liberation of the King.)^ Bower, and 
the unknown author of the account of the King's death trans- 
lated by Shirley,® as well as the writer of the Chronicon Jacohi 
Primi Regis Scottorum, who calls him " that old serpent of evil 
days,"^ all take a most sinister view of his character. He is 
credited with being the real instigator of the murder of Rothesay. 
He was one of the Court that condemned Duke Murdoch and 
his sons. He enjoyed the fruits of the King's annexation of the 
earldom of Strathearn though he had been guardian of Malise 
Graham who was deprived of it. And he was in the plot for the 
King's murder which was made possible by the treachery of his 
grandson. The Earl of Atholl was thus a most dangerous coun- 
sellor to have the ear of an eager-minded poetic young King who 
did not know his countrymen. 

King James had frequent and regular parliaments. He intro- 
duced the principle of representative government and instituted a 
Supreme Court of Justice, The Session, and he had an advocate 
appointed for the poor. He caused the laws of the kingdom to 
be codified, enacting that new laws should be expressed in the 
vernacular and be formally and fully published for the informa- 
tion of the people. A register of charters was begun, and 
tenants of lands throughout the kingdom were granted certain 
rights and a measure of security of tenure. Leases were not to 
end when the feudal lord transferred his rights to another. The 
vagrant poor were discriminated into two classes — one to be re- 
pressed as idle, the other to have special privileges as the King's 
Bedesmen. Crops were protected from violent or heedless injury 
and a close-time was fixed for fishing. The Commons were 
commanded to consider the welfare of the kingdom more than 
their own pleasure. Archery was therefore encouraged by law 


and football forbidden. The very lepers were considered, no less 
than the public safety, and set days were appointed on which 
they might go to the burghs and obtain their modest provisioning. 
As the law was for all, and not for common folk only, the 
greater barons and great lords were also made the subject of 
special legislation. Their private wars and public feuds were 
forbidden and the number of retainers whom they might take 
with them on journeys through the country was limited, as were 
the places and manner of their entertainment. Strict inquiry was 
made into the royal revenues and into grants to private persons, 
also into the dilapidation of the Crown property. We have 
already seen the kind of appeal made by the King in his 
captivity to the good burgesses of Perth ^ because his uncle did 
not give him his due, or indeed, so far as appears, any share of 
the Crown revenue. The King's deliberate purpose was to 
strengthen the Crown and to subject the great feudal lords to 
the central government. This general policy was bound to lead 
to rigorous treatment of individual noblemen, as they all possessed 
in their own dominions powers which made them possible public 
enemies with means of doing incalculable mischief. It is in this 
connection that James has been most severely condemned by 
historians. In 1424, before his coronation, and on a charge 
which Bower does not mention, Walter Stewart, heir of Duke 
Murdoch, Malcolm Fleming of Cumbernauld, and Thomas Boyd, 
younger of Kilmarnock, were arrested and thrown into prison. 
One is tempted to associate the Earl of Atholl with this un- 
explained move on the part of the King. Yet the young men 
may have fallen into some English entanglement. Later in the 
same year, the Earl of Lennox, Murdoch's father-in-law, and 
Sir Robert Graham were arrested. In the Spring of the following 
year Duke Murdoch and his two sons were brought to trial along 
with Lennox, and all were found guilty of treason and executed. 
Graham was not tried but set at liberty, and eventually he 
met a fate by the side of which beheading would have been 

In 1427 Malise Graham, Earl of Strathearn, who was a hostage 
in England, was deprived of his estates and title on the plea that 
this heritage could not pass in the female line.^ He was made 


Earl of Menteith by way of compensation, and the life-rent of 
Strathearn was given to the Earl of Atholl, who was meanwhile 
the only person benefited by what was undoubtedly an act of 
oppression. Whether Atholl encouraged it or not can only be 
matter of conjecture. It enraged Sir Robert Graham who was 
Menteith's uncle, and who had his own previous arrest full in 
mind. The annexation was a grave injustice, unless there were 
other circumstances undisclosed, and now unknown. Neverthe- 
less, in palliation of James's action there is something to be said. 
He could not be familiar with Scottish law and practice. He was 
smarting under the loss of Crown property and revenue through- 
out the eighteen years of the regency of the two Albanys, and 
this great domain of Strathearn had been the property of his 
uncle, Atholl's elder brother David. As the Grahams were 
plainly hostile, James was too easily persuaded to make bad law 
take the place of justice. 

In 1434 the Earl of March was deprived of his title and estates, 
on the ground that Governor Albany had exceeded his powers 
when he restored them three years after the capture of James by 
the English, on what conditions can only be conjectured. Parlia- 
ment approved the recall of the grant and March was offered the 
Earldom of Buchan. March was the son of a traitor, as Earl of 
March he held the key to the kingdom of Scotland, and he could 
open the gate to the English enemy at any moment. At the time 
when March was deprived there were serious complications with 
the English government which was resentful of the marriage 
arranged between the Dauphin and the Princess Margaret. Indeed 
England was the resort of every Scottish traitor from the death of 
Alexander III. to the Union of the Crowns, and James, through 
his Queen, had better means of knowing what was going on in 
that country than any of his predecessors. Whatever may be said 
against these particular acts, they were at least grounded upon 
reasons of state, and the policy of which they were a part was 
a sound policy. They were designed to remedy old wrongs by 
which the Crown had been injured. Neither Kings nor Commons 
readily come to the conviction that to correct one injustice by 
another is not wisdom. Looking to all the circumstances and to 
the after-history of Scotland we must acknowledge that it was no 


small calamity that James did not succeed in wholly subduing his 
nobility, or live long enough to accomplish other labours which he 
had begun with energy and wisdom. 

The only public protest was made in Parliament by Sir Robert 
Graham who thought he had the nobles with him, and who laid 
violent hands on the King and announced that he arrested him in 
the name of the Three Estates.^" He was alone in his outrage, 
and James contented himself with sending him into exile and 
confiscating his estates, a misplaced clemency which Scotland was 
bitterly to rue. Graham fled to the Highlands and defied the 
King, by act and letter renouncing his allegiance. 

Another phase of this determination to strengthen the central 
authority the King shewed in his dealings with the Celtic chief- 
tains of the Highlands and Islands. His severity and his occasional 
well-timed clemency made for the union of Highlands and Low- 
lands. Few incidents in the picturesque annals of Scotland are 
more quaintly striking than the appearance of Alexander, Lord of 
the Isles, " in camisia et femoribus tantum indutus, genibus flexis," 
before the high altar of the Abbey Church of Holyrood casting 
himself upon the mercy of the King. It was an appropriate sequel 
to his stern dealings with the Highland leaders at the Parliament 
of Inverness in 1427 and to his victory over Alexander in 1429 
in Lochaber. 

In no aspect of his policy was the King more public-spirited 
and judicious than in his dealings with the Church and with 
Churchmen. His experience of Bishop Wardlaw and of Cardinal 
Beaufort had shewn him the goodwill and the capacity of eccle- 
siastics. He confirmed the clergy in their rights, but he gave 
them no exemption from taxation. He sought to keep them 
Scotsmen as well as Churchmen. They were forbidden except 
under reasonable conditions to leave the country, and, under 
penalties, to make interest at Rome for pensions from benefices. 
In his second Parliament the King had formally addressed the 
Abbots and Priors and had exhorted them to see that greater heed 
should be given to the rules of their orders, to the holding of 
general chapters, and to greater austerity of life. And he was not 
content merely to give counsel. He took an active interest in the 
extension of monasticism and founded a Carthusian convent at 


Perth. He freely sought the advice of the clergy, but he never 
leant unduly upon them, and he loved justice more than the 
Church or Church privileges. His Parliament of 1427 dealt with 
the dilatoriness of Church Courts in civil causes and laid down 
rules for more expeditious procedure, dealing as well with frivolous 
appeals and making the presiding ecclesiastic liable in a penalty if 
he delayed more than forty days in giving judgment or allowed 
appeal upon trivial points. This statute, as we shall see, brought 
the King and his advisers into conflict with the Pope. 

James had a love of knowledge and a favour for learned men. 
Boece notes in this connection what he did for the University of 
St. Andrews. " He broucht in Scotland xviii Doctoures of 
Theology, viii Doctoures of Decreis with many other expert 
men in al science and promovit thame to sindry prelacyis." •'■'^ 
Fresh light has been shed upon James's interest in learning and 
upon his comparatively free attitude to the Church by a discovery 
of Mr. Maitland Anderson, University Librarian at St. Andrews. 
The King, as we have already noted, was nominally at least at 
the head of the movement for Papal recognition of the Foundation 
of the University. Nevertheless, in 1426, in his own name he 
petitioned Pope Martin V. to sanction the transference of the 
University to St. John's town or Perth, " because St. Andrews 
was near the sea and exposed to danger from wars and dissensions 
with England, while Perth was in the heart of the kingdom and 
had a mild climate and abundance of victuals of all kinds." ^^ 
The Pope's reply to the King himself is not known. He remitted 
the petition for inquiry and report to the Bishops of Glasgow and 
Dunblane, and it is from his letter of instruction to these prelates 
that knowledge of the King's design has come to us.^^ In spite of 
his failure to transfer the University to the civil capital of his 
kingdom King James granted on March 20, 1432, and on 
March 31 confirmed certain privileges to all its members from 
the Rector and Deans of Faculties to the bedelli and scholars. 
They were all taken " into the King's firm peace, keeping and 
maintenance and fully exempted from all tributes, gifts, actions, 
taxings, watchings, guardings, and payments." There is a certain 
imaginative touch even in the charter. The grant is made " for 
cherishing and advancing the prosperous and happy state Almae 



Universitatis S'i Andreae filiae nostrae quam dilectae."" The 
terms of the charter shew appreciation of men of learning : 
" These are they who give light to the multitude of the Lord's 
flockji^a and make known the straight way to the runners in the 
stadium, who by the fruit of good work allure some to virtue and 
by example draw others to desire of divine knowledge." The 
King was not content with this act of generosity to his " beloved 
daughter." He was present at a meeting with the Bishop, Prior, 
and others, probably at St. Andrews, on March i8, 1429, when 
statutes were made for the Faculty of Theology and regulations 
were prescribed for graduation in the same.^^*" He continued to 
take an active interest in the teaching and discipline of the Schools, 
and made it effective by an Appunctamentum which in Novem- 
ber, 1432, he sent to the Faculty of Arts by William de Foulis, 
Keeper of the Privy Seal. In the minutes of the Faculty the 
King's initials I.R. appear. By this instruction, for such it was, 
the Dean of the Faculty of Arts was made a kind of Inspector- 
general of the different Schools with the three senior masters as 
assistants. He was to pay weekly visits and to allow no student, 
save for sufficient reason and with formal permission, to pass from 
one School to another. Masters and students were instructed to 
cultivate closer fellowship by attendance at one another's weekly 
disputations. The moral tone was to be improved by careful 
restraint of students from all excess.-'^'^ 

James adopted the attitude of his age towards heresy. Lollardism, 
as in England, was looked upon as a public danger. Resby, a 
Wycliffite priest, had been burned at Perth by Albany early in the 
King's captivity. The Parliament of 1425 passed an Act against 
Lollards and all heretics, and it did not remain a dead letter, for 
on July 23, 1433, Paulus Crawar, Teutonicus, was put to death 
at St. Andrews. He was thus the St. Andrews proto-martyr. 
Yet by some oversight Crawar's name does not appear on a very 
ugly obelisk which commemorates the early martyrs of the Refor- 
mation and disfigures one of the finest prospects in the old gray 

James's foreign policy was as enlightened as his home legislation. 
He steadily sought to be friendly with England and at the same 
time to maintain the alliance with France. His reign began with 


a seven years' truce, and he kept to a peace policy until it was 
broken by the English, who were indignant at the strengthening 
of the French alliance in 1428 by the betrothal of the Princess 
Margaret to the Dauphin. A method of counter-attraction was 
attempted. Cardinal Beaufort went to Scotland and met the 
King. The meeting was arranged " for certain great and notable 
causes affecting the state of the Catholic Faith and the honour and 
usefulness of the Universal Church as well as the honour and weal 
of the two kingdoms."-^^ At Edinburgh on December 15, 1430, 
a truce was signed. It was to hold from sunset on May i, 1431, 
till May i, 1436,^' but on November 24, 1435, King James issued 
a commission to prorogue the truce.^^ A forward movement had 
been made by the English in 1433 when Lord Scrope was sent to 
offer the restoration of Roxburgh and Berwick and all that had 
formerly belonged to Scotland, if the Scottish government would 
break the league with France. Bower, who was a member of the 
Parliament which considered these proposals, was a strenuous 
opponent of the pro-English policy, and had as chief supporter the 
Abbot of Scone. The opposition to the English overtures was 
successful, and Bower adds : " It was eventually discovered that 
the English design was to create a division in our kingdom." •'•^ 
Tytler^" blames the clergy for what he supposes to be an obstinate 
refusal to accept terms advantageous to the country. But to have 
broken thus with France would have been a practical surrender to 
the tender mercies of England. James knew only too well the 
fixed determination of the English rulers. His capture and long 
imprisonment and such pressure as he had been subjected to had 
all one object made clear by the letter of Henry V.^* already 
quoted, namely, the signing away of the independence of Scotland 
and the establishment of an English suzerainty. Indeed this hope 
of the English government remained a factor in international 
politics down to the reign of Henry VIII.^^ 

An unsuccessful raid was made by the English under Sir 
Robert Ogle in September, 1435, and fresh cause of resentment 
was given by an attempt in the Spring of 1436 to capture the 
Princess Margaret on her way to France. At length James 
moved against them by laying siege to Roxburgh Castle in 
August, 1436. But the expedition had lasted only for fifteen 


days when the Queen arrived suddenly before the castle with 
some information for the King which led him to abandon the 
enterprise. James was a brave man, like many lovers of peace, 
and the meaning of this inglorious conclusion to an apparently 
hopeful undertaking can only be guessed at. The writer of the 
Chronkan says that the failure " was due to a detestable schism 
and villainous division springing from envy."^ Tytler conjectures 
that the Queen had brought information of some conspiracy at 
home.^* If later English intriguing in Scotland during the reigns 
of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth may help towards accurate in- 
ference — and there was a wonderful sameness in Southern 
methods as well as in the one main design — the visit of Scrope 
and the discussion of his proposals were probably coincident with 
the forming of a secret English party among the nobles. With 
respect to France James's policy was equally clear-sighted. He 
was friendly but never subservient, and never blind to the 
interests of Scotland. He came to an understanding with Norway 
about the Western Isles which had been held by feudal tenure 
since 1266 with more than the usual carelessness about payment 
of dues to the overlord ; and he had equal success in settling 
trade disputes with Holland. 

Good Churchman though he was James did not altogether 
escape conflict with the Pope. Yet the cause of the controversy, 
in its substance if not in its form, was honourable alike to the 
King and his Parliament. It arose from the Act for more 
expeditious determination of civil causes in Ecclesiastical Courts. 
Parliament had invaded the sphere of the Church by the clause 
of the Act which ordained that the statute should also be passed 
by the Provincial Council then sitting.^^ This wrong, attempted 
by giving instruction to a Spiritual Court, was aggravated in the 
eyes of the Pope by the fact that the Chancellor of the kingdom, 
Cameron, Bishop of Glasgow, was a party to it. The Pope 
summoned Cameron to Rome. James would not allow him to 
leave the country, and deprived William Croyser, Archdeacon of 
Teviotdale, who had cited him to the Papal Court, of all his 
benefices in Scotland. The Pope retaliated, and on May 8, 1435, 
annulled all the proceedings against Croyser, ^^ He also wrote to 
James in very courteous and flattering terms denouncing his evil 


advisers the prelates, who had sacrificed the rights of the Church.^'^ 
A complete rupture was avoided by the King's conciliatory 
attitude. He sent envoys to Rome to request the despatch of a 
legate, and the Pope appointed Antonio of San Vita, Bishop of 
Urbino, who arrived in Scotland before Christmas, 1436. An 
audience was fixed at Perth for the opening of Parliament on 
February 4, 1437. 

A distinguished visitor had come to Scotland in the winter of 
1435. This was Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, not then in orders 
but by and by to rule the Catholic world as Pius II. His account 
of his visit is full of interest as a revelation of his own character 
and as descriptive of some things in Scotland, but it sheds no 
light on the character of the King and gives not a glimpse of 
the royal court or household. ^^ Ostensibly he came from the 
Cardinal of Santa Croce to persuade the King to take again into 
favour some bishop who is not named. Sheriff Mackay thinks 
that both of these missions were designed " to procure the ad- 
hesion of James to the treaty of Arras." ^^ 

While these manifold public transactions were going forward 
James's home life had been singularly happy. His marriage had 
been a love-match and it remained so. By his public acts and 
private conduct he shewed how greatly he held the Queen in 
honour. She was crowned with him. In one of his early 
Parliaments every bishop was enjoined to ordain that " every 
priest, regular and secular, at the celebration of Mass should use 
an appointed collect for the welfare of the King and Queen and 
their children." On July 12, 1428, an Act was passed that the 
successors of prelates and heirs of earls, barons, and freeholders 
should be bound to take the same oath to the Queen as to the 
King, while on January 15, 1434, all lords of Parliament, ecclesi- 
astical and secular, and all commissioners of burghs promised to 
give their letters of submission and fidelity to our Lady the Queen. 
Striking indirect testimony to the Queen's position in the royal 
circle is given by Pope Eugenius II. When he wrote to the 
King about the infringement of ecclesiastical privileges, he wrote 
also to Queen Joan.^" The most complete revelation of the kind 
of home-life led by King James and Queen Joan is to be found in 
the records which bear upon the second of the two missions from 


France in connection with the betrothal and marriage of the 
Princess Margaret. The first, in 1428, which was headed by 
the Archbishop of Rheims, John Stewart of Darnley Seigneur 
d'Aubigny and Count of Evreux, and Alain Chartier, gives 
nothing tangible save the eloquence of the poet orator who moved 
his Scottish hearers by a pathetic account of the miseries of 
France still struggling with the English enemy, and not yet saved 
by the peasant saint who had at least one Scottish sympathiser in 
her darkest hour of trial.^^ The second mission ^2 was headed by 
Regnault Girard, lord of Bazoches, who landed at Dumbarton 
early in January, 1435, and remained in Scotland till late in the 
Spring of 1436, as he landed at La Rochelle on May 5, with the 
child-bride ; eleven and a half years she was, the same age as 
her father when he was captured by the English.* Negotiations 
about the marriage were spun out so long because the King 
and Queen were reluctant to part, with their daughter, and 
finally when the parting came the King's emotion shewed how 
truly he was giving away " a thrid of his own life." He caused 
the ships of the French fleet to manoeuvre before him that he 
might select the galley for his daughter ; and he shewed to Girard 
very marked personal courtesy. The King " ordered me, Reg- 
nault Girard, to kiss the Queen, and the Queen kindly and 
graciously saluted me ; which kiss I repute the greatest honour 
ever bestowed on me." James cut short the parting with Mar- 
garet and went ashore weeping bitterly. Margaret, like her father, 
had an idealistic nature ; she loved poetry and poets, and she 
found hard fact too much for her with the Dauphin, who became 
Louis XI., for a husband and calumny and neglect for her 

King James and his Queen had ten children, one of whom, 
Alexander, a twin brother of James II., died in infancy. All the 
others were daughters and all survived their parents and made 
marriages suitable to their rank. But Margaret is the only one 
who plays a part to be noted during the lifetime of father or 
mother. Happy in her children the Queen had one other joy 

* The conditions of the marriage shew how little subservient he was to 
France. " A town of her own was to be assigned in France to Margaret : a 
Scotsman was to be in command and the guard to be a Scottish one ; the 
Princess must have Scottish ladies with her to keep her company." 


rare in the family history of Stuarts or Beauforts. The King was 
all her own. She had no Hagar and no Ishmael to mar her peace 
and cloud her happiness.^^ She was at the last to shew how brave 
she was and how fully she responded to this pure affection. 

The goodwill of the Pope and the cessation of the transient 
war with England foreshadowed a happy Christmas for 1436 at 
Perth, where the King had determined to hold the festival. The 
Holy Season and the following weeks were spent with great mirth 
and much feasting. As Lent drew near James had the Papal 
legate as his father confessor and " by him he was absolved from 
penance and from fault." ^* 

Meanwhile Sir Robert Graham had been busy. His hostility 
had not abated and he had planned to celebrate Christmas by 
the slaughter of the King. But something hindered. Whether 
Atholl, who was universally regarded as the arch-plotter, had 
given a signal for delay cannot be decided. Certainly Atholl and 
his grandson Robert Stuart, the King's private chamberlain, were 
deep in the plot, and this kept the King unsuspicious and un- 
guarded. Graham, with certain former servants of the Duke of 
Albany and three hundred wild Highlanders, stole into the 
monastery an hour or two before midnight on February 20, 1437. 
The leaders burst into the King's chamber where they found him 
in undress and without arms. He made a manful struggle for 
life striking to the ground the leading assailants, but he was over- 
powered and slain, no fewer than twenty-eight wounds being 
found after death on his breast alone.^^ The Queen also was 
grievously wounded, doubtless in a vain attempt to shield her 
husband. A brother of the Earl of March, who was the first to 
hear the din, fought valiantly with some of the assassins as they 
were escaping. But he was too late to give effective help. 
Entering the King's bedchamber he found him dead and bathed 
in blood. The Papal legate, according to the writer of the 
Chronicon, was summoned to see the dead King : " He wept and 
cried aloud and kissed his wounds, and in the presence of all who 
stood by he said that he believed on peril of his soul's salvation 
that the King had died in a state of grace for the defence of the 
State and the furtherance of justice." ^^ 

The Queen at once displayed the most extraordinary energy for 


the apprehension of the murderers. All were speedily captured, 
a sure indication that the King was beloved by the people. The 
criminals were tortured in a fashion so barbarous that the recital 
of it is heavy reading. Queen Joan acted in the spirit of the lover 
in Fair Helen of Kirkconnel, and went beyond him far in the 
extremity of her vengeance. 

The after-story of the Queen is a second tragedy. In King 
James there had passed away the only man in Scotland who had 
either the vision or the strength to cope with the grasping and 
unscrupulous band who took the leading part in national public 
life. There was a fight for possession of the child-king and no 
consideration whatever for the Queen-Mother. She tried con- 
cession and diplomacy, and finally in self-defence married Sir 
James Stewart, son of the Black Knight of Lorn. Stewart in 
consequence of this marriage was a marked man. Some measure 
of liberty was procured for him by the Queen's surrender of part 
of her rights over her son. Nothing availed, however, for her 
peace, and although the mother of three young children she was 
made virtually a prisoner and taken to the Castle of Dunbar by 
Patrick Hepburn of Hailes. She died on July 15, 1445, a few 
weeks before her daughter, the Dauphiness, and found her last 
resting place beside her husband in the church of the Carthusian 
monastery which his piety had founded. 



Bower dwells at great length upon King James's character as a 
sovereign and his accomplishments as a man.*'' He describes the 
peace which prevailed during his reign and the spirit of confidence 
due to his restraint of violence and to his effective administration 
of justice. The King's writ ran everywhere and even a verbal 
message cowed the most powerful — except Sir Robert Graham, 
who for the moment has slipt from the historian's memory. 

The King's accomplishments are so many and varied and his 
skill in all is so very great that the reader is tempted to be 
sceptical. He excelled in all manly sports. He ran, rode, and 
walked with great speed and vigour. He was an excellent archer 


and dexterously tilted at the ring. He threw the hammer, putted 
the stone, and wrestled with unequalled skill and strength. He 
was an accomplished musician, he sang, and played upon many 
instruments. On the harp he was a second Orpheus, and he 
excelled in Irish no less than in Scottish music. He was interested 
in the mechanic arts, and he loved drawing, painting, gardening, 
and forestry. He was an earnest student, and gave himself eagerly 
to literary composition and to the art of writing ; while with a 
scarcely credible fervour he loved knowledge of the Scriptures. 

Bower, however, names no single writing of the King, but 
his statement implies that the King was an author both in prose 
and verse. From Bower's day onward testimony to the King's 
literary gifts is uniform, except in fragmentary and partial work 
like the Chronicon. The first to specify individual works is Major,^^ 
who names poems entitled Tas Sen and At Beltayn, and describes 
the Kingis Quair. Hector Boece mentions no single composition, 
but is like Bower perfectly general, only more emphatic. The 
King " knew thoroughly grammar, oratory, and poetry, and he 
composed such finished poems in the vernacular tongue that the 
reader would believe him to be a born poet."^^ From Boece 
to Buchanan Scottish historians confirm the tradition, but they 
are plainly indebted to their predecessors, whose language they 
simply vary and embellish. Indeed Boece, Bellenden, Leslie, and 
Buchanan found upon Bower and Major, and no one would infer 
from the language of any of them but Buchanan that the writer 
had a first hand acquaintance with any poems ascribed to James. 

Where the Scottish historians fail English writers help a little. 
Bale, in his Scriptorum illustrium Majoris Britanniae Catalogus, has 
this statement : " In the vernacular tongue he composed finished 
poems ; in the Latin language, after the manner of his age, (he 
wrote poems) which were confused and inartistic yet packed with 
serious thought : and among other (writings in verse) when he 
was a prisoner in England he composed in the English tongue : 
On his future wife, one book ; Scottish Songs, one book ; Latin 
Rhythms, one book ; and other poems which are approved by 
many." 40 

Bale's testimony is quoted by Bishop Montague of Winchester 
in his preface to the Works of King James VI. " James the First 


writ divers books both in English and Latine verse. He writ also 
as Baleus saith ' De uxore futura.'"*"* Dempster*^ goes beyond 
Bale. He states that the King " wrote many things : among these 
one book of most just laws and one book on Music " in addition 
to the list given by Bale. 

The Latin Rhythms have disappeared. All that remains of the 
King's Latin verse is the couplet composed on the apprehension 
of the Highland leaders at Inverness.* The poem On his future 
wife is without doubt the Kingis Quair, found only in the Bodleian 
MS., Arch. Selden B. 24. The Scottish songs may be Christis 
Kirk on the Grene, assigned to him in the Bannatyne MS., and 
Pel>/is to the Play, which is found in the Maitland MS. but which 
is not there assigned to any author. Language and style of 
versification point to a considerably later date than 1437, ^^^ *^^ 
substance of the poems, which deal with various phases of Scottish 
rustic merriment in the broadest spirit, makes a royal authorship 
difficult of acceptance. There is not a tinge of culture or even a 
casual phrase which would suggest the man of letters, nor does 
anyone outside of the rank of the peasantry appear in the poems 
even as a spectator. That a man of King James's ability could 
have written in perfectly idiomatic Scots is likely enough, but 
that he could have had such familiarity with it as to employ a 
vocabulary so racy and so uncommon as is found in both of these 
poems is not probable. Yet the two poems have a close aflSnity, 
and suggest either a common author or the modelling of the one 
poem on the other. One other poem is assigned to King James 
in a late edition of the Gude and Godlie Ballatis.'^ This is without 
title and has the colophon Quod King James the First. The poem 
is also in the Bannatyne MS., and there are many marked varia- 
tions in the text. An imperfect form is found in a Cambridge 
MS.*^ Professor Skeat, who has entitled it Good Counsel, has given 
all the forms and also an amended text. He accepts the royal 
authorship, and there is no reason for rejecting it except the 
absence of earlier testimony than 1578 and Bannatyne's failure to 
name the poet. It is a purely Scottish poem, and reminds a reader 

* Ad turrim fortem ducamus caute cohortem -. 
Per Christi sortem meruerunt hi quia mortem. 

{Scotichr., ii., p. 489.) 


of the manner and spirit of Henryson. It is wholly didactic, and 
is as unlike Christis Kirk on the Grene and Peblis to the Play as 
Man was made to mourn is unlike The Jolly Beggars. If it could 
be accepted as certainly the work of King James it would go far 
to take the edge from the argument against his authorship of the 
Kingis Quair on the ground of its extremely didactic character.** 
It would thus fall into the class described by Bale as " other poems 
approved by many." 


Until the year 1896 acceptance of the testimony to King James 
First's authorship of the Quair was uniform. Tytler, the first 
editor, and Professor W. W. Skeat, the most recent, never sur- 
mised that doubt was possible. But we live in a critical age, 
when works more venerable and infinitely more important are 
no longer assigned to their traditional authors. Indeed, the 
wonder is that, in centuries so critical as the eighteenth and 
nineteenth, the authenticity of the Quair remained so long 
unchallenged. The first adverse note was sounded by Mr. J. T. T. 
Brown,^ who sought to dissipate the traditional belief and to gain 
acceptance of a counter-theory that the poet was some Scot 
writing comparatively late in the fifteenth century under the 
influence of The Court of Love. Whatever may be thought of the 
cogency of his arguments, Mr. Brown's criticism is neither halting 
nor hesitating. To begin with, he demurs to Dr. Skeat's descrip- 
tion of the language of the poem as a dialect in which "the 
author abandons the grammar used in the Lowlands of Scotland 
and attempts to imitate all the inflections of the Midland dialect 
of Chaucer."^ In Mr. Brown's opinion the artificiality of the 
language of the poem is unduly emphasised. It is manifestly 
the work of a Scottish poet, writing for the most part in Low- 
land Scots, but using occasionally southern forms and idioms. 
This fact alone discredits James's authorship, as he could 
not have used his native dialect freely after an eighteen years 
absence from Scotland, which he left in his twelfth year. 


Mr. Brown also disputes the authenticity of the autograph Croydon 
letter of 30 November, 1412.^ This is in Lowland Scots which 
has no English admixture. He bases his rejection on the fact that 
though the document is a charter it never passed the Great Seal 
and is unwitnessed.* Besides, the language, as he avers, is of a 
later cast than the Scottish dialect of 141 2. So far from being a 
possible work of King James I. the Quair belongs to a group of 
northern poems which had their origin between 1440 and 1480, 
and were avowed imitations of Chaucer. The poem stands none 
of the tests for early fifteenth century Scots. In it are found 
" certain French words used by Scottish writers only after 1440. 
It has the plural form quhtlkis, the distinguishing adjective ane 
before words beginning with a consonant, the preterite and 
preterite participle in yt or //, and the pronouns thaire and thame. 
The verb to do is used in the emphatic conjugation.^ The poem 
also shews traces of The Court of Love, as is evident from the use 
of such words and phrases as balas, smaragdyne, lufis dance. There 
are also " affinities in thought, framework, and diction," and these 
are stated in detail. They amount to " proof of the proposition 
that the Scottish author had The Court of Love in his view when 
composing The Kingis Quair."^ 

The autobiographical element is as little consistent with James's 
authorship as are the language and literary substance of the poem. 
The poet asserts that he set sail in March (stanzas xx, cxci). 
The statement is not accurate, as Fleming of Cumbernauld who 
accompanied the prince to the port of embarkation was killed in 
the middle of February, 1406. Indeed, according to reasonable 
inference from English accounts of James's capture, he was 
probably made prisoner late in February or early in March. As 
the statement is inaccurate. King James cannot have written the 
poem which contains it. The poet is further in error as to the 
age of the captive prince : 

Noght fer passit the state of Innocence 
Bot nere about the nowmer of jeris thre. 

He was eleven and a half. The history is thus not autobiography, 
but is borrowed from Wyntoun's Orygynale Cronykil, as is shewn 
by the use of the word puruait in stanza xxiii. Although 


Mr. Brown does not unduly press the point he naturally describes 
as prophecy after the event the lines : 

And thus this flouris, I can seye no more, 
So hertly has unto my help attendit, 
That from the deth hir man sche has defendit. 

Another point he does press. The poet seems to know only one 
prison, and writes as if the prince whom he personates had for 
eighteen years been confined in one castle. Now James was 
moved from the Tower of London to Windsor, and to Nottingham 
and elsewhere. Yet of these frequent changes the writer of the 
Quair seems to have no knowledge. The marriage of James so 
far from being a romantic attachment, as the poem everywhere 
implies, was a common state affair carried through in the usual 
prosaic fashion. 

Much stress is laid by Mr. Brown upon external evidence. He 
takes his point of departure from an entry on folio 120 of the 
MS. " Nativitas principis nostri Jacobi quarti anno dni m""" 
iiij" Ixxij" xvij die mensis marcii, videlicet in festo sancti Pa/ricii 
confessoru. In monasterio sancte crucis prope Edinburgh." This 
entry must have been written in or after 1488, when James IV. 
succeeded his murdered father, and before September 1513, when 
he fell at Flodden. Mr. Brown indeed goes further, and contends 
that 1488 is the earliest possible date of the MS. itself. 

He admits the importance of the title and colophon, but hastens 
to add that the value of the testimony depends upon the accuracy 
of anonymous scribes who rightly attribute yf^u^ poems to Chaucer, 
and who wrongly attribute other five to the same poet. The 
remaining poems in the MS. volume are The Kingis Quair and 
The Quare ofjelusy^ which latter poem has an imperfect colophon 
— Quod Auch. The testimony of Scottish historians is quoted 
and commented on. Bower, Boece, Bellenden, Leslie, and George 
Buchanan are all dismissed. Major is accepted as the sole 
authority other than the MS. for ascribing to James any poems in 
the vernacular. But Major's statement is subjected to rigorous 
examination and is minimised because he wrote eighty years or 
more after the death of King James. Major mentions, besides 
the "artificiosum libellum de regina," two vernacular poems 
Tas Sen and At Beltayn. Mr. Brown identifies At Beltayn with 


Peblis to the Play, which opens with the words "At Beltayn," 
and as this last poem is now generally believed to be much later 
in date than 1437 he pronounces Major's testimony to The Kingis 
Quair to be almost " worthless at best." 

Not only is historical testimony narrowed to Major, and Major 
thus discredited, but a fresh argument is based upon the silence of 
William Dunbar in his Lament for the Makaris, of Sir David 
Lyndsay in his Testament and Complaynt of the Papyngo, where 
eight poets are named -^ and of King James VI. in his Reulis and 
Cautelis, for he never alludes to the poetic performances of his 
royal ancestor. 

The reference to Lyndsay is singularly unfortunate. In The 
Testament and Complaynt of the Papyngo Lyndsay implies that James 
was a poet, as is evident from the stanza devoted to him in the 
Second Epistylofthe Papyngo, directit to her Brethir of Courte : 

Kyng James the First, the patroun of prudence, 

Gem of ingyne and peirll of polycie, 
Well of Justice, and flude of eloquence, 

Quhose vertew doith transcende my fantasie, 
For tyll discryve ; jit, quhen he stude moste hie. 
Be fals exhorbitant conspiratioun 
That prudent Prince was pieteouslie put doun. 

(Laing's Ed., vol. i., p. 77.) 

He even knows the Quair and quotes from it in the same Epistyl : 

And spairis nocht the Prince more than the paige, 

which is surely a reminiscence of K. Q. st. ix. 11. 4, 5 : 

Is non estate nor age 
Ensured more the prynce than the page. 

Lyndsay's allusion indeed suggests an amendment of the text. 
(Vid. note on K. Q. in loco.) 

This novel theory made few converts. The most notable is 
Professor Hume Brown, if he may be called a convert, for he 
thinks that Mr. Brown has reached his conclusion " on probably 
insufficient grounds."* Professor J. H. Millar, in J Literary 
History of Scotland^ provisionally accepts the traditional view but 
he keeps an open mind : " The anti- Jacobites have failed to prove 
their negative and to upset the testimony of tradition." Professor 
Gregory Smith, who does not discuss the arguments, is very 
emphatically on the side of tradition. "A recent attempt to 


place the text later than The Court of Love has led to a careful 
sifting of all the evidence, actual and circumstantial, with the 
result that the traditional view has been established more firmly. 
There is no reason to doubt that the story was written by James 
himself." 10 

Painstaking critics of the new theory have been numerous. 
Dr. A. H. Millar wrote a number of interesting letters in The 
Athenaum in 1896 after the publication of Mr. Brown's book, 
and followed these up in December, 1899, by a special article 
on the MS. of the Quair. Mr. R. S. Rait, M.A., of New College, 
Oxford, gave a detailed examination of it in a pamphlet ; " 
Mr. T. F. Henderson discussed it fully,^^ and M. Jules J. Jus- 
serand, who has also written a delightful little volume which he 
calls "^rhe Romance of a King^s Life, has expanded an Athenaum 
letter 1^ into a full and detailed examination — "Jacques /«>" d'Ecosse 
fiit-il Poke F'^* 

As M. Jusserand is most elaborate, and is as confident as any, in 
his reply to the Netu Criticism, he is entitled to precedence in any 
statement of the case for the King's authorship. He agrees with 
all who have considered the MS. that it was copied by Scottish 
scribes at some date during the second half of the fifteenth century. 
As the note about James Fourth's birthday, on folio 120, is in 
the same handwriting as that of the poem immediately preceding, 
this portion must have been copied in or after 1488, and before 

In ascriptions of authorship the writers of the MS. are as often 
right as wrong, and they err, where error is venial and common, 
in attributing to Chaucer poems of his scholars. Being Scottish 
scribes they are more likely to be right about a poem of Scottish 
origin, especially when the reputed author is a King. The 
testimony of the MS. itself is not single but double, for there 
are two scribes, one of whom wrote the title and as far as 
stanza clxxvii., the other the remainder including the colophon. 
M. Jusserand further follows Dr. A. H. Millar in the happy con- 
jecture that one of the inscriptions in the MS. — liber Henrici 
dm Sinclair — refers to Henry, Lord Sinclair, who came to the 
title in 1488 and who fell on Flodden Field.* A signature on 

* This Henry, Lord Sinclair, was a patron of literary men and had a keen 
interest in poetry. He is expressly mentioned by Gavin Doughs in the preface 


folio 231 "Elizabeth Sinckr with my" is possibly the hand- 
writing of Elizabeth Keith who married William, Lord Sinclair, 
Henry's son, and this lady was a great-grand-daughter of James I. 
(M. Jusserand does not note the fact that the lady's husband was 
a descendant of the Earl of Orkney who was James's guardian at 
the time of his capture.) The argument from the silence of 
Bower, Boece, and Lyndsay M. Jusserand meets with great effec- 
tiveness by presenting in Charles d'Orleans an exact parallel to 
James I. Like James, Charles d'Orleans was an English prisoner 
of war, and, though he was the greatest French poet of the 
fifteenth century, yet, after his death in 1465, save for a vague 
allusion by Martin Lefranc to " the book of the good Duke of 
Orleans," the silence of French poets and historians about his 
literary merits is complete. " All works which give lists of French 
poets exclude him, and even Louis XII., who loved literature and 
wrote verses, took no trouble to rescue from oblivion the works 
of the poet whose son he was." All the world remained in 
ignorance of the poetry of Charles until, in the eighteenth century, 

and In the epilogue to his translation of the Aeneid as the friend and kinsman 
at whose suggestion he undertook the work which he dedicates to him : 

And at ye knaw at quhais instaunce I tuik 
For to translait this mast excellent buik, 
I mene Virgilis volume maist excellent. 
Set this my werk full feble be of rent. 
At the request of ane lord of renowne, 
Of ancistry noble and illuster barowne. 
Fader of bukis, protectour to science and lare. 
My speciall gude lord, Henry Lord Sanct Clair, 
Quhilk with grete instance diuers tymes seir, 
Prayit me translait Virgill or Omeir, 
Quhais plesour suithlie as I wnderstuid. 
As neir coniunt to his lordschip in bluid, 
So that me thocht his requeist ane command, 
Half disparit this wark I tuik on hand, 
Nocht fullie grantand, nor anis sayand je, 
Bot onelie to assay quhow it mycht be. 

(Small's Douglas, vol. li., p. 5.) 

He is probably the unnamed lord to whom Henryson refers in the prologue to 
his Fabillis, saying that his translation is undertaken 

Nocht of my self for vane presumptioun. 
But be requeist and Precept of ane Lord, 
Of quhome the name it neidis not record. 

(S. T. S. Ed., vol. ii., p. 4, 11. 1.5.) 


Abbe Claude Sallier disinterred his works which had been buried 
in the Royal Library. Rene of Anjou, another royal poet, had a 
similar fate. His poems have only been printed within the present 
generation. Silence in all these cases has a very simple explana- 
tion. These poets were princes by condition, not poets merely as 
others were, and the personal note which gives an added charm 
to their work for modern readers made them restrict knowledge of 
their verse to a few intimate friends. M, Jusserand emphatically 
repudiates Mr. Brown's interpretation of Bower and of Major. 
Bower, indeed, does not mention the Quair. It would have been 
surprising if he had known of its existence. He does speak how- 
ever of James's literary labour, " operi artis literatoriae complacent! 
instabat curae." The words imply writing both in verse and 
prose. Major, who expressly describes the Quair and indicates its 
contents, is a critical writer. He bases his history wherever he 
can upon writers who were contemporary with events, and he does 
this with James I. Besides, while he attributes to the King a poem 
Jt Beltayn he nowhere says that At Beltayn is Peblis to the Play. 
Beltayn was a popular May festival and many poems may have 
opened with the words " At Beltayn." Major shews his critical 
spirit by censure of a false quantity in the Latin couplet attributed 
to James. Later historians M. Jusserand dismisses as but echoes 
of Major. Buchanan he lays stress upon : " Latin verses rude, as 
was then the fashion, he poured forth as occasion demanded. 
Some poems written by him in English are still extant : in these 
excellence of talent shines forth, but perhaps a more refined moral 
substance might be demanded. " ^^ Bale's testimony, already quoted, 
is singularly explicit.^^ 

M. Jusserand gives also a detailed reply to arguments based 
upon the language of the poem. He thinks it more than probable 
that a Scottish boy in his twelfth year, who was attended throughout 
his captivity by Scottish servants, might well maintain such famili- 
arity with Scottish speech as would account for the predominant 
element in the poet's dialect. English influence from reading and 
conversation would modify the native Scottish tongue, and the 
product as we find it in the Quair is exactly what a reader might 
look for. Occasional special forms can hardly be reasoned from 
as they may be scribal errors, not the language of the poet. Certain 


manifest errors as well as certain corrections by scribes are to be 
found in the MS., and in view of these no one can say that there 
is in the MS. an actual text of the poem as it left the pen of 
King James. Yet when Mr. Brown presses linguistic details he 
presses them unwarrantably. The use of ane before a noun 
beginning with a consonant is rare." The usage besides is found 
in Wyntoun and Barbour ^^ who wrote earlier than James. The 
only special French words noted by Mr. Brown occur in poems 
earlier than 1440. Balas is in the Romance of the Rose, smaragdyne 
(emerald), applied to eyes, finds a parallel in Dante and is not 
merely a quaint conceit borrowed from The Court of Lave. Indeed 
The Court of Love is so generally accepted as a later work than the 
Quair can possibly be that argument on this head is scarcely neces- 
sary. Apparent borrowings are often simply kindred poetic ideas 
in which neither poet has any right of property. 

The rejection of the autobiographical implications M. Jusserand 
subjects to detailed examination. He matches the errors about 
the poet's age and date of embarkation, if they be errors, which 
he does not admit, by similar mistakes about their own careers 
made by Victor Hugo and Napoleon I. The poem discloses 
tender devotion to his Queen on the part of King James, and 
although Mr. Brown is bold enough incidentally to question this 
and to make the marriage a mere state arrangement, M. Jusserand 
has no difficulty in shewing, as the biographical sketch has probably 
made plain, that the instructions to the English Commissioners 
imply a known attachment, and also that testimony as to the 
King's deep alFection for his wife is to be had. He endeavours 
also to justify the statement of Wyntoun with respect to James's 
capture on Palm Sunday, 1405.^^ 

Mr. Rait, whose essay was in print ^^ before M. Jusserand's 
article appeared, follows the same line of argument. He is in 
general more detailed and he has several pleas of his own. He 
disposes of the argument from the silence of Dunbar, Lyndsay, and 
James VI., in a wholly different fashion by shewing what accept- 
ance of it implies, and by shewing also that in the case of James VI. 
there was knowledge of his ancestor's poetic achievement. 

The implications of the argument from silence are these : — 
" I. That Dunbar, a contemporary of Major, was ignorant of the 


tradition that led Major to write as he did. 2. That Dunbar had 
never seen the Scotkhronkon, nor Major, nor Boece, nor Bellenden ; 
and not only that James VI. had never seen the Scotkhronkon, 
Major, Boece, Bellenden, and in addition Lesley, but that he was 
likewise ignorant of the work of his own tutor, George Buchanan." 
James VI. did know that James I. was a poet : the Bishop of 
Winchester mentions him among royal authors in his preface to 
the works of James VI.^^ Some of the autobiographical detail as 
to the date of sailing for France and the weather is to be regarded 
as mere poetic embellishment, and the supposed prophecy after the 
event is but " the extravagance of a lover." Mr. Rait concurs 
with M. Jusserand in contesting the position that James could not 
have written such Scots as is to be found in the poem. He asserts 
that as " quhilkis " occurs but once, and as the preterite and pre- 
terite participle are frequently, but not always, in yt and k, and as 
" ane " occurs only once before a normal consonant (stanza clx.) 
while it is frequent in Henryson in this position, the language of 
the Quair is strictly the language of a period of transition between 
the language of Wyntoun and that of the later fifteenth century 
poets. It is transitional also in the use of " do " as emphatic. In 
the Quair and The Court of Love both poets have borrowed from 
Lydgate's Temple of Glas ; indeed in Professor Skeat's opinion, the 
poet of The Court of Love probably borrowed from the Quair. 
The author of the Quair in forms of words like " cowardye " and 
" percing," and in his use of the final e is far nearer Chaucer than 
is the poet of The Court of Love, as he is likewise in the absence of 
overflow from one stanza to another. This last trait is markedly 
Chaucerian, and that it is not found in The Court of Love is a 
tolerably convincing proof that it is the later poem of the two. 

Dr. A. H. Millar's argument turns upon the ownership of the 
MS. David Laing (Bannatyne MiscelL, vol. ii., p. 162) had inferred 
from a coat-of-arms on folio 118 that the book had at one time 
belonged " to some branch of the Sinclairs, Earls of Caithness." 
Dr. Millar proves that the arms, part of the illumination of the 
MS., were borne by Henry, Lord Sinclair, in 1488. He agrees 
with Dr. George Neilson in believing that the MS. was written, 
or at least illuminated, by James Graye,* vicar of Hailes, and as 

* See Appendix C. — Scribes of the Kingis S^uair and of the Square of 


Lord Sinclair was married to Margaret Hepburn, daughter of Adam, 
second Lord Hailes, the scribe had a certain personal relation to his 
patron. Lord Sinclair was of near kin to the Scottish royal family. 
His grandmother was a sister of James L and his aunt was the wife 
of a brother of James III. To the Sinclairs the poem was a 
"precious literary heirloom," and they were not likely to be 
imposed upon by a poem forged fifty years after the death of 
James L Dr. Millar, accordingly, gives this account of the trans- 
cription of the K'tngis Quair, Lord Sinclair desired to have a copy 
of the poem of his granduncle, the original of which was in the 
possession of the King. He arranged that the copy should be 
made by Graye, " an old acquaintance of Lady Sinclair," and then 
secretary to the Archbishop of St. Andrews, who was no less a 
personage than the Duke of Ross, brother of James IV. Graye 
had beside him a volume with a number of poems by Chaucer and 
other poets, and with blank leaves. On these he transcribed the 
Kingis Quair and decorated the book with the arms of his patron. 

If regard is had merely to Mr. Brown's pleas and the answers 
made to them it can scarcely be disputed that he has in the main 
the worst of the argument. Certainly he has not proved his case. 
-His critics have made much of theirs, although in M. Jusserand's 
contention there are some slips. It is highly probable, for example, 
that Major's At Beltayn is Peblis to the Play, and, although it may 
be wild conjecture, it is possible that the unintelligible Tas Sen is a 
Parisian printer's bungling abbreviation of " TVes nevir in Scotland 
hard nor sene" the opening line of Christis Kirk on the Grene. 
Buchanan's statement cannot refer to the Quair, which certainly 
has a sound moral substance as well as finished poetic form. It 
probably refers to the other poems traditionally ascribed to James I. 
In several respects defenders of the royal authorship might have made 
more of their argument. The King's letters,^^ for example, shew 
now familiar he was with the northern tongue when he composed 
or dictated, or even understood such drafts as the several sections 
of the Register House document seem to be. The Croydon letter 
is emphatically Scottish. 

If we consider the external evidence, as M. Jusserand, Mr. Rait, 
and Dr. Millar state it, it is undeniable that testimony very much 
weaker has been held sufficient to vouch for the authorship of 


scores of ancient and medieval poems. Dr. Millar's statement, 
clear and strong as it is, involves certain assumptions, and in 
speaking of " a forged poem " he overlooks the frequent use of 
autobiography as a literary device. From the Epistles of Ovid to 
Robinson Crusoe and Rabbi Ben Ezra the method is common, and 
no one is deceived by art of the kind except a prosaic person like 
a scribe. There is no proof w^hatever that the MS. of the Kingis 
Quair w^as in the possession of James IV. The coat of arms on 
folio 1 1 8 is at the close of Troilus, not among the Scottish poems. 
Henry, Lord Sinclair, a lover of poetry, might be interested in a 
poem about his royal kinsman as well as in one by him. That he 
ever saw^ the colophon is by no means certain. The value of the 
colophon depends entirely upon the second scribe's authority. If 
he had his patron's sanction his testimony could scarcely be in- 
validated, for this copy was almost certainly made from an original 
poem written in a difficult hand, as was the original of Lancelot 
of the Laik. Internal evidence is difficult to estimate, for inter- 
pretations of literary features are apt to be subjective. Indeed a 
certain personal element in criticism is almost inevitable in the 
study of such a poem. Few are the loyal Scots who would not 
gladly believe that King James I., one of the most brilliant and 
capable sovereigns of a gifted but hapless line, did write the artistic 
little book about Queen Joan as well as all the other poems with 
which he has been credited. Apart from new positive external 
evidence the question cannot be absolutely determined. Yet the 
authenticity is very doubtful, and there are reasons of weight 
which Mr. Brown has overlooked, while he has scarcely pressed 
sufficiently his most important plea. This his critics have not 
sought to answer, because they regard the fact upon which it is 
based as part of the ornament of the poem. This fact is the poet's 
manifest ignoring of any prison but one. Now this feature is only 
one of a group of singular omissions which give a special character 
to the poem as in substance a passage of autobiography. But 
before discussion of these negative characteristics certain features 
of the MS. demand attention. 

The title and the colophon yield something more than has been 
taken out of them. King James is in the title called First, and in 
the colophon Primus. He must, therefore, have been dead before 


any such addition could have been made to his name. The title, 
besides, makes three statements. The Quair was " callit the kingis 
quair " ; it was composed by the King ; it was " maid quhen his 
Maiestie wes in England." With reference to the title M. Jus- 
serand has fallen into one error, slight, indeed, but of some con- 
sequence. The title is not in the handwriting of the first scribe 
of the poem. It is not in the handwriting of any of the scribes of 
the MS. volume, and all experts are agreed that it is later in date. 
The authority of the testimony is therefore sensibly diminished, 
and the entry itself is a palpable imitation of the statement on 
folio 225 recto of the Quare of Jelusy " Here efter followis the 
trety in the reprefe of lelousye." That the poem was " callit the 
kingis quair " is known only from this entry. No later writer, 
from Major onward, so refers to it until Tytler gave the little 
book to the world by its long forgotten name. The statement 
that the king wrote the poem in England is also noteworthy, as 
bearing upon the value of the scribe's testimony. The King was 
a captive in England almost exactly eighteen years, and the poet 
knows this and mentions it in stanza xxv. 6 : 

Nere by the space of 3eris twigs nyne. 

His captivity is therefore at an end when he writes. Nor is this 
all. The poem implies a considerable period of freedom and good 
fortune after the time of seclusion. 

Among thir thoughtis rolling to and fro 
Fell me to mynd of my fortune and vre ; 
In tender jouth how sche was first my fo, 
And eft my frende, and how I gat recure 
Off my distresse, and all myn auenture 
I gan oure-hayle. 

The captive's liberation, or " larges " is thus not recent. There 
is a backward look to the time when he was received into favour. 
This was actually determined when the Scottish Commissioners 
made the proposal of marriage in September, 1423. Queen Joan's 
care of her husband began on S. Valentine's Eve, 1424. The 
concluding portion of the poem gives the same impression as the 
opening. In stanza clxxxvii. we have a hint of it. 

And thus this flouris I can seye no more, 

So hertly has vnto my help attendit. 

That from the deth hir man sche has defendit. 


Even more emphatic is stanza cxcii. 5-7 : 

And syne throu long and trew contynuance 
Of veray faith In Lufe and trew seruice, 
I cumin am, and fortliir in this wise. 

Stanza cxciii. implies a backward glance of years, for the King's 
marriage is alluded to as something which has long been a part of 
experience : 

Vnworthy, lo, bot onely of hir grace. 

In lufis 30k, that esy is and sure, 
In guerdoun fair of all my lufis space, 

Sche hath me tak, hir humble creature. 

And thus befell my blisfull auenture, 
In jouth of lufe, that now, from day to day, 
Flourith ay newe, and jit forthir, I say. 

One slight touch in stanza cli. 3 may be a scribal error, on the 
other hand it may be a lapse from assumed autobiography : " ' I 
sail, Madame,' quod he." 

The last stanza of the poem is very strange if it were written 
by James I. in England in 1423 or 1424. The poet calls Gower 
and Chaucer his " maisteris dere." Yet practically he owes not 
very much to Gower, and great as is his debt to Chaucer it is not 
more than to Lydgate who was alive for many years after 1424. 
Lydgate's Temple of Glas is one of the main sources of the Quair. 
A poet prince who read Lydgate in prison, and who could not be 
ignorant of the fact that Lydgate was alive, could, in such a con- 
nection, hardly ignore him, when he was commending others as 
his poetic teachers. A later poet might readily be silent because 
there was frequent confounding of the work of Chaucer and Lyd- 
gate. The Complaint of the Black Knight is one of the poems in 
the same MS. as the Quair, and the colophon runs " Here endith 
the maying and disporte of Chaucer."^ If it could be shown that 
the poet knew and used lines and phrases from Lydgate's " The 
Tragedies gathered by John Bochas " then he could not possibly 
have written the Quair in 1424. For Lydgate's translation of 
Boccaccio's De Casibus was probably made for Humphrey, Duke 
of Gloucester, at some time between 1430 and 1438.^^ But proof 
of this kind is not available. Coincidences are but of phrase or little 
more. Our poet is even more manifestly a scholar of Lydgate 
than of Chaucer, and one of the difHculties in dealing with the 


text, in so far as it demands metrical amendment, is due to this 
fact. Musical as the verse often is, it is unequal, and some of its 
inequality and occasional harshness may spring from this following; 
of Lydgate rather than Chaucer. 

A closer examination of the substance, both in its negative and 
positive aspects, will shew how difficult it is to reconcile it with 
the history and experience of the young King of Scotland. The 
life of James, from his childhood onwards, had many moving inci- 
dents, and it had a picturesque setting at successive points. The 
writer of the poem is a poet of genuine power with an eye for the 
outward world as well as a retentive memory stored with thoughts 
and phrases from older poets. Yet he has used in a concrete 
fashion very little of the prince's experience. The treatment of 
the embarkation, capture, and imprisonment, is meagre, and often 
blurred and indistinct in outline. The absence of the poet's name 
and rank may be explicable on the ground of reticence. But the 
bare generalities in the narrative of his seizure at sea, and of his 
confinement in England, and the absence of all reference to the 
tracts of time when he was not a close prisoner at all but a guest 
at the Court of the King of England or in the train of the Queen, 
the complete omission of allusion to military service, the lack 
of any illustration or reflection from it, all these features make us 
hesitate to assign the poem to a young man with a keen interest 
in war. Nor do we find any indication of his familiarity with a 
Court. His interviews with Venus and Minerva are uncoloured 
by this, and throughout the poem there k little or nothing to 
suggest that the writer is a young king who has moved among 
royal personages and who has kingly instincts. One line (stanza 
Ixxxv. 3) emphasises still more strongly this remarkable lack of 
princely feeling and interest : 

Here bene the princis, faucht the grete batailis.^^ 

The personal element is at its best in the picture of the maiden 
as she is seen from the captive's keep. Yet the evident modelling 
of this portion upon The Knight's Tale, and the minuteness and 
elaboration in the description of the beloved's dress and jewellery 
suggest a heart-whole conscious artist rather than an ardent lover 
on the eve of his marriage. The kind of lover's humility which 


appears in the language of the poet, now in his own person and 
again in the person of Venus, is conventional and inappropriate, 
and is scarcely reconcilable with the spirit of any royal Stuart in 
Scottish history. 

If on some of these points we compare with the Quair the 
poems of Charles d'Orl&ns, so long the fellow prisoner of James 
in England, we find that Charles discloses himself quite frankly. 
In his Poime de la Prison he says : 

Lors Jeunesse si hucha le portier, 
Et lui a dit : J'ay cy un estrangier, 
Avecques moy entrer nous fault l&ns ; 
On I'appelle Charles, due d'Orl^ans.^^ 

In the same poem he has other references to his personality and 
to his rank.^ Charles alludes to individual persons, and places, 
and situations, and thus compels recognition of himself as a royal 
personage. He hates England. He desires peace. He longs to 
return to France.^^ Only the language of the Quair reveals that 
the writer is a native of Scotland. Not a phrase or sentiment 
recalls the land or associations of his birth. If we except 
stanza cxxi., which is general in character, there is but one 
reference to any amusement in the Quair. It is to Chess in 
clxviii., and this is followed up in clxix. In the poem of Charles 
are many allusions to this game,^^ to tennis^" and to fencing ^^ 
and to heraldry.^^ His poems, looked at as a whole, in spirit, 
colouring, mood, and illustrative material betray a courtly writer. 
Not one reader of the Kingis Quair in a hundred, apart from 
external testimony, would suppose that a high-spirited prince was 
the author. 

The positive indications of a writer of a different rank are 
numerous and striking. Throughout, save in the love passages, 
the poem is didactic in tone. We hear the voice of a preacher, 
not of a prince. Emphatically didactic are the proem, especially 
in stanzas i.-ix., the self-questioning in xi. and xii., and the 
invocation in stanzas xiv. and xv. The larger portion of the 
vision, borrowed from The Temple of Glas — stanzas Ixxiv-clvii. — 
is in the same vein, while the speech of Venus — cv.-cx. — is only 
surpassed in this respect by Minerva — cxxix.-cxxxviii. — where the 
sound moral teaching surprises not so much by its excellence as 


by its utter inappropriateness to the mood of a brave prince on the 
eve of his marriage. It is entirely appropriate to a poet preacher 
desirous of making an impression upon free-living Scottish 
courtiers. The quotation from Ecdesiastes seems to be due to 
first-hand knowrledge of Scripture rather than to recollection of 
Chaucer. The brief theological disquisition — cxlvi.-cxlix. — if it 
stood alone, reminiscent as it is of Chaucer's reflections in Troilus 
and Criseyde and the Nonne Prestes Tale, would not of itself count 
for much ; but, as it falls in with other matter in the same spirit, 
it points to a teacher of some kind as the poet. Other passages 
indicate familiarity with Scriptural events and teaching. The 
great light and the voice in stanza Ixxiv. recall the conversion of 
S. Paul. The reference to Him "that corner-stone and ground 
is of the wall" — cxxx. — is Scriptural, as is the counsel "groundith 
thy werk, therefore, upon the stone " (cxxxi.), and Scriptural, too, 
is the conception of " wolfis herds in lambis likenesse " (cxxxvi. 3). 
Equally significant is the contrast between the spirit and the flesh 
in clxxiii. when the flesh troubles the spirit waking and sleeping. 
Of less consequence, but still pointing to the same conclusion, are 
such indications as we find in the use of the phrase "vnsekir 
warldis appetitis " (cvi. 5), in the very frequent use of the word 
"penance," in the ringing of the bell to "matyns" (xi. 3), in 
making the sign of the Cross (xiii. 7), and in the thrice-repeated 
reference to benefit of the soul.^^ 

The work is that of a poet thinking of readers, rather than of 
a king eager to please his bride, as is evident from the closing 
stanzas. The reader is entreated to have patience with the 
defects of the little treatise (cxciv). The writer has doubts about 
the reception of his work when it comes to " the presence " 
(cxcv.). A lover's humility will lead to many strange words and 
deeds, but a king's lovemaking is little likely to lead to the kind 
of humbleness which appears in stanzas cxciv., cxcv. The two 
closing strophes return to the didactic mood, which prevails so 
strongly throughout. 

As the language is deliberately artificial, and is thus a Lowland 
Scots contaminated with English Midland forms and other variants, 
no solid argument for or against James's authorship can be based 
upon it. Such a product for purposes of expression was equally 


possible to King James and to a later writer. The poem implies 
that it is the work of a successful lover and happy husband who 
can be none other than King James I. of Scotland. The book of 
Ecclesiastes implies that it is the work of King Solomon ; and 
Elkon Basilike appeals to the world as a series of meditations of 
Charles I. That Solomon was not the author of Ecclesiastes is as 
certain as anything in history can be. That Charles I. wrote 
Eikon Basilike is highly improbable, and that James I. wrote the 
Kingis Quair is very doubtful. Imagination performs strange feats. 
In reasoning, therefore, from features of a work of imagination it 
is easy to accept as fact what is designed only to be fancy, and 
to look for something which is not there because the writer's 
individuality led him to ignore it. Nevertheless, with every allow- 
ance for this, the verdict must be given, hesitatingly perhaps, yet 
given against tradition. 

So much old poetry has perished, and so many poets on Dunbar's 
Scottish roll of fame have left no work which can now be re- 
covered, that it may seem idle to speculate as to a probable author. 
Nevertheless there are poetic affinities which cannot be ignored, 
and they point to a possible poet who has left work which can 
be compared both in matter and form with the poem ascribed to 
King James. Examination of this will come more appropriately 
in connection with a discussion of the relation of the Kingis Quair 
to earlier and later poetry. In any event the writer must have 
been a friend of the royal house and a prudent friend who wished 
to say nothing against England. For there is an entire absence of 
Wyntoun's national spirit : 

It is of Inglis natioune 
The common kend conditioime 
OfF Trewis the wertew to forjett, 
Quhen thai will them for wynning set ; 
And rekles of gud faith to be, 
Quhare thai can thair auantage se ; 
Thare may na bond be made sa ferm 
Than thai can mak thare will thare term. 

The Quair in its autobiographical aspect may be compared with 
the far inferior lament for the death of the Dauphiness, Princess 
Margaret, which is entitled Lamentatio Domini Dalphini Franciae 
pro Morte Uxoris suae, dictae Margaretae. So greatly daring are 




In the last stanza of his work the poet of the Quair recommends 
his book to the scions or "ympis^ of his maisteris dere" Gower 
and Chaucer, who, as supremely excellent poets adorned with the 
laurel crown, sat on the steps of eloquence. It is natural, therefore, 
to ask what is his debt to these poets and what to others. Certainly 
he owns no Scottish master, although it is possible that the writer, 
if he were other than King James, found a hint for the biography 
in Wyntoun,^ as Mr. Brown supposes.® It will be necessary also 
to inquire if the poem has any Scottish affinities, and if it has in 
any way influenced later Scottish poetry. 

The debt to Gower, as Dr. Skeat has pointed out,* is to be 
found in spirit and tone rather than in substance or in diction, for 
the Quair is certainly after the manner of Gower in its prevailing 
didactic strain and its frequent moralising. Yet Gower's Confessio 
Amantis did supply some details. The most notable single passage 
parallel to the thought of the Quair is to be found in the Prologue 

For every worldes thing is vein 

And evere goth the whiel aboute 

And evere stant a man in doute, 

Fortune stant no while stille 

So hath ther no man al his virille. 

Als fer as evere a man may knowe 

Ther lasteth nothing but a throwe ; 

The world stant evere upon debat. 

So may be seker non astat 

Now hier now ther, now to now fro, 

Now up now doun this world goth so 

And evere hath don and evere schal.B 

As the Story of Progne, Philomela, and Tereus is in the Legend 
of Good Women and in the Temple of Glas as well as in Book V. 
555-591 of the Confessio Amantis, no argument can be based on 
this. The use of " Strang "^ in the sense of " hard to bear " has a 
parallel in Book V. 7377-8 : 

Strong thing it is to sofFre wrong 
And sufFre schame is more strong. 


Li marked contrast to this slight borrowing from Gower are the 
volume and variety of the debt to Chaucer. The Scottish poet is 
steeped in ChaucerJ He has, indeed, none of Chaucer's mirth, 
but he has, in some portions of his w^ork, a little of Chaucer's cheer- 
fulness, as in the stanzas which describe the birds before and 
immediately after he sees his mistress,^ and when the dove comes 
with the message and the flowers in her bill.® He has little of 
Chaucer's narrative skill, but he has much of Chaucer's love of 
nature and joy in gracious womanhood. He shews with the 
substance of Chaucer's poetry and with the ipsissima verba a 
familiarity which could only have come from long and loving 
study. The details of this familiarity are given in the Notes, but 
the significance of the borrowings can only be apprehended by 
grouping them and looking at them as a whole. 

The Deth of Blaunche the Duchesse gave the hint for the poet's 
sleeplessness and for his use of a book to beguile the tedium of 
the weary hours. Chaucer read in Ovid^" the tale of Ceyx and 
Alcyone as our poet reads Boethius' De Consolatione Philosophiae. 
(If the later poet had read Boethius with more care he would 
have avoided the blunder about Tantalus in stanza Ixx.) Both 
poets eventually fall asleep and dream, but the later poet makes a 
characteristic variation. He does not, like Chaucer, fall asleep 
over his book. The book rouses him, he is deeply interested and 
begins to write his poetic autobiography as soon as he has left his 
couch at the matin bell. He falls asleep from grief and weariness 
after his mistress has left the garden. From the Book of the Duchess 
comes also the illustration of the game of chess in stanzas clxviii. 
and clxix., but the Quair at this point is tame indeed beside 
the moving passage which gave the hint. In Chaucer, Fortune 
is the lover's opponent, not a goddess called upon to help the 

Atte ches with me she gan to pleye : 

With hir false draughtes dyrers 

She stal on me, and took my fers ; 

And whan I saw my fers aweye. 

Alias ! I couthe no lenger pleye, 

But seyde, ' Far-wel, swete, y-wys ! 

And far-wel al that ever ther is !' 

Ther-with Fortune seyde, ' Chek heer !' 

And ' Mate !' in the myd poynt of the chekkere, 


With a poune erraunt, alias ! 
Ful craftier to pley she was 
Than Athalus that made the game 
First of the ches, so was his name.^i 

Here the poet found reference to Tantalus : " I have more sorwe 
than Tantale."^2 'j'jjg Parlement of Foules is also a dream induced 
by reading Cicero's Somnium Scipionis. Parallel thoughts, if not 
borrowings, are to be found in the description of the little fishes 
with red fins and bright scales, swimming in the river, and in the 
welcome to summer : 

Now welcom, somer, with thy sunne softe. 
That hast this wintres weders overshake 
And driven awey the longe nightes blake.*^ 

The Hous of Fame, which is also a dream, probably suggested 
the ascent of the poet to the heavenly regions, but the only detail 
which has passed to the later poem is that of the palace with 
crystal stones.^* A few verbal similarities with the Legend of Good 
Women may be noted, but they are so few and so slight that the 
poet may not have read the Legend at all. Very different is it 
with Troths and Criseyde. From this poem come portions of the 
imagery, not a few lines and phrases, and something of the poetic 
manner of the Quair. From Troths are taken hints for the pre- 
sentation of the goddess Fortune,^* part of the reasoning on Free 
Will and Predestination,^^ and the image of a rudderless boat'^^ 
and of a boat among tempestuous waves,^^ as well as the concep- 
tion of a ruby shaped like a heart.^^ The most curious borrowing 
of all is of Tisiphone as a Muse. Chaucer, with a delightful and 
arbitrary humour, had departed from the opening of his original, 
// Filostrato of Boccaccio. The Italian poet had invoked his 
mistress Fiammetta and not Jove or Apollo or the Muses, but 
Chaucer called upon a Fury instead.^" Examples of verbal bor- 
rowings are to be found in " lovis daunce," ^^ " my honour sauf," ^^ 
and in the line "Bewailing in his chambre thus allone."^^ 

Of the Canterbury Tales the Knight's Tale gives the largest 
contribution. For the poet of the Quair has fashioned his picture 
of the prisoner's condition, his experience on the sight of his 
mistress walking in a garden, his language and state of mind, upon 
what the older poet has given in his story of Palamon and Arcite.^* 


The tale of Constance supplies a hint for the record in the stars of 
every man's destiny : 

For in the sten'es, clerer than is glas, 

Is written, God wool, whoso koude it rede, 

The deth of every man withouten drede.^^ 

Here and elsewhere, especially in the Monies Tale, he found 
matter for his conception of Fortune and her wheel. ^^ Many 
slight touches there are from other Canterbury Tales. " The 
wyly Fox the wedows Inemye " recalls the Nun Priest's TaleP 
" A twenty deuill way " is found many times in Chaucer.^^ In 
the Monk's Tale he found " Fortune was first friend and sitthe 
foo"^; and there too, in the description of Seneca, "For of 
moralitee he was the flour," he had at least a suggestion for his 
portrait of Boethius.^" 

The Quair is wholly written in the Troilus stanza, and even 
when brief lyrics are introduced as in the bird's song (xxxiv.), the 
prayer to Venus (Hi.), the petition to Venus (xcix.-ciii.), and 
the poetic message brought by the dove, which does not occupy 
the whole of stanza clxxix., there is no metrical variety. Look- 
ing to the nature of his subject the poet was content to use the 
measure in which had been told the tale of love unfortunate to 
tell a story of love triumphant. It had been employed for the 
s<"ory of Grisildis and the story of Constance, as well as for the 
Tale of the Prioress and the Parlement of Foules. It had also 
been used frequently by Lydgate and his fellow English 

In poetic manner nothing is more marked in the Quair than 
the frequent use of interrogation. Many stanzas are more or 
less made up of a rapid series of questions. This is a feature 
of Troilus^^ as well as of other portions of Chaucer's work. 
Throughout, the disciple in this mannerism goes far beyond his 
master, although here, too, he follows him in the use of inter- 
jected phrases to complete the verse. Such padding is even more 
frequent in the verse of the master to whom the poet of the Quair 
does not allude. Considerable as the debt to Chaucer is, there is 
an equal debt to Lydgate. The nature and extent of this were 
first pointed out by Professor Schick in 1891, when he published 


the Temple of Glas for the E.E.T.S.^^ It is manifest in many 
portions of the substance of the Quair and in many slight details 
both of illustration and expression. Happily or unhappily it is a 
case of a better poet borrowing from an inferior, and in some 
points the later poet has improved upon his original. The open- 
ing of the Quair, for example, far more closely resembles Lydgate's 
poem than any of the poems of Chaucer already mentioned. No 
one can dispute the superiority of the disciple's work. 

For thoujt, constreint, and greuous heuines, 
For pensifhede, and for heij distres. 
To bed I went nov fiis ojiir nyjt, 
Whan Jjat Lucina wij; hir pale lijt 
Was loyned last wi)i Phebus in aquarie, 
Amyd decembre, when of lamiarie 
Ther be kalendes of fie nwe yere. 
And derk Diane, ihorned, nojiing clere. 
Had (hid) hir bemys vndir a mysty cloude : 
Wifin my bed for sore I gan me shroude, 
Al desolate for constreint of my wo, 
The long(e) nyjt waloing to and fro. 
Til at(te) last, er I gan taken kepe. 
Me did oppresse a sodein dedeli slepe, 
WiJ) — in \>e which me }>0U3t(e) J>at I was 
Rauysshid in spirit in (a) temple of glas.^^ 

The main borrowings are to be found in the poet's experience 
in the heavenly regions, in what he sees in the palaces of Venus 
and Minerva, and in the speeches of the king and of the goddesses. 
The classification of the lovers, their petitions, and the condemna- 
tion of those who shut up the young in convents against their 
will, all come from Lydgate.^* The description of the lady is 
partly modelled upon Lydgate (11. 743-763), and the confusion 
which enrolled Tisiphone among the Muses is probably as much 
due to the Temple of Glas as to Troilus and Criseyde ; 

I can no fer}>er but to Thesiphone 

And to hir sustren forto help(e) me 

That bene goddesses of turment and of peyne.^^ 

In the Quair the lover has his supreme joy when a white turtle 
dove brings him a branch of gillyflower ; in the Temple of Glas 
Venus throws into the lady's lap a " branch of hawthorne white 
and green."^^ Slighter resemblances are to be found in " sonnyssh 


here bri3ter than gold were,"^^ in reference to Cupid's arrow of 
gold,^8 to the bird and the net,^^ and to ink and paper.*" Many- 
other minor expressions there are, and as a matter of course there 
is the same kind of address to the " litel rude boke " at the close, 
when it is sent to "her presence" for whose sake it has been 

The debt to Lydgate extends to other poems than the Temple 
ofGlas. Verbal correspondences with The Complaint of the Black 
Knight are numerous, but they are for the most part so trifling in 
character that they cannot necessarily be said to be borrowings. 
They may simply be coincidences. The Quare of Jelusy *^ shews 
close resemblances, and is without doubt indebted to the Complaint. 
On the other hand. The Flour of Curtesye probably supplied some 
thoughts to the Kingis Quair. 

And whyl that I, in my drery payne. 

Sat, and beheld aboute on every tree 

The foules sitten, alway twayne and twayne, 

Than thoughte I thus : ' alas ! what may this be, 

That every foul has his libertee 

Frely to chesen after his desyre 

Everich his make thus, fro yeer to yere ?*' 

A faint resemblance is also to be found in 11. 260-264 to the 

Kingis Quair, stanza cxliii. 

Professor Schick thinks that there are resemblances to Lyd- 

gate's Reson and Sensuallyte. He does not specify any, writing 

from memory, Juno, like Fortune, wears a surcote,^ and Venus 

has no crown 

Of gold nor stonys on hir hede, 
But she had of roses rede 
Instede thereof a chapelet.*^ 

But these trifling resemblances on points so commonplace weigh 
little on the side of knowledge of this poem by the author of the 
Quair, when one recalls how widely he diverges from Lydgate on 
the subject of Cupid's bows and arrows. For in the Quair Cupid 
has one bow and three arrows, headed with gold, silver, and steel. 
In Reson and Sensuallyte the god has two bows and ten arrows, 
five with heads of gold, and five with heads black, and foul, and 
poison-tipped ; and from the elaborately described game of chess 
the Quair has not borrowed the faintest touch. 

The same is true of the Falls of Princes. Now and again there 



is coincidence of phrase, but as there is no trace of influence, 
where influence might well be looked for — for example in the 
wealth of the biographical content of the Falh, in the Prologue 
to Book Sixth which treats at length of Fortune, and in the 
Prologue to Book Seventh which celebrates Fraunceys Petrarch 
" the laureate poete crowned with laurer " — it seems scarcely dis- 
putable that the Falls was unknown to the writer of the Quair. 

A much more important problem arises in connection with two 
fifteenth-century Scottish poems — Lancelot of the Laik and the 
Quare of Jelusy. Lancelot of the Laik is a Scots translation of 
a portion of a French romance. It is a fragment. There is a 
prologue of 334 lines, and there are two Books with a portion 
of a third, the whole poem extending to 3486 lines, that is a little 
more than two and a half times the length of the Kingis Quair. 
The Prologue is entirely the work of the author, and according 
to Dr. Skeat, who edited the poem more than forty-five years ago 
for the Early English Text Society, the poet is a very free trans- 
lator, adapting and adding frequently. There is but one MS. It 
is in Cambridge University Library, and no author has hitherto 
been named. Besides Dr. Skeat's there is an edition among the 
Maitland Club publications. 

Points of resemblance in artificiality of language in the Kingis 
Quair, Lancelot of the Laik and the Quare of Jelusy have 
long been noted by students of philology. The significance of 
these resemblances would have been more manifest if the scribe 
of the Lancelot MS. had not adopted an eccentric system of 
spelling, writing the same word in even more than the usual 
variety of forms. Whatever be the explanation, there is a closer 
affinity than a common artificiality of language. 

Lancelot of the Laik shews distinct traces of the influence of 
Chaucer, and it is specially indebted to the Knight's Tale. In 
line 309 Venus is mentioned as " siting hie abuf," just as in the 
Squire's Tale (272-3) we read : 

Now dauncen lusty Venus children deere 
For in the Fyssh hir lady sat ful hye. 

In 381-2 the rendering recalls the Nun^s Priest's Tale {C.T.B., 

4111-12) : 

To dremys, Sir, shuld no man have Respeck, 
For thai ben thingis weyn, of non afFek . 


Line 545, " as tho it was the gyse ", is reminiscent of ' To 
doon obsequies as was tho the gyse" (K. T., 135). In descriptions 
of fighting there is frequent likeness to the tournament in the 
Knight's Tale: the sounding of trumpets (1. 771), the cleaving of 
helmets (868), the using of spurs, " In goith the spuris in the 
stedis syde " (1084) ; and the resemblance is not merely in lan- 
guage but in spirit. 

Longer passages recalling the famous conflict of Palamon and 
Arcite and their knights are lines 2579-2602, 2960-74, 3291-3300. 
The last passage will suflSce to shew the energy of the poet and 
how he can answer to the most buoyant mood of his master : 

With all his forss the nerest feld he soght ; 

His ful strenth in (to) armys thar he vroght, 

Into the feld rusching to and fro, 

Doune goith the man, doune goith the horse also ; 

Sum throw the scheld is persit to the hart. 

Sum throw the hed, he may it not astart. 

His bJudy suerd he dreuch, that carwit so 

Fro sum the hed, and sum the arm in two, 

Sum in the feld (y)fellit is in swon 

Thro sum his suerd goith to the sadill doun. 

The debt to Chaucer in substance, as might be expected in a 
translation, is not extensive. There are, however, a number of 
points of likeness in poetic manner. The opening of Book II. 
recalls the opening of Part II. of the Squire's Tale, while the 
occasional references to daybreak (675 and 2579-80) — 

The nycht is gone, vp goith the morow gray 
The brychte sone so cherith al the day — 

are in the spirit of the well-known couplet : 

The busy larke messager of day 
Salueth in hir song the morwe gray. 

Points of contact with the Kingis Quair are numerous both on 
the material and the formal side. Substance, style, versification, 
rhyme, and diction have not a little in common. Comparison of 
the versification is difficult, as the Lancelot is written in heroic 
couplet, all except one short lyric, which is in the measure of the 
Envoy to The Compleynt of Chaucer to his Purse. 


The description of a garden (53-56) recalls K. Q. xxxi.-xxxii, : 

And al enweronyt and l-closit 
One sich o wyss that none within supposit 
Fore to be sen with ony vicht thareout 
So dide the levis close it all about. 

There is a long dialogue with a bird (83-156) entirely in the 
mood of the address to the nightingale in the Kingis Quair 
(clvii.-ix.). The lyric already referred to (699-718) has similarities 
of expression as well as something of the spirit of the Quair : 

Qwhat haue y gilt,*^ allace ! or qwhat deseruit ? 
That thus myne hart shal vondit ben and carwit 

One by the suord of double peine and wo ? 

My comfort and my plesans*^ is ago. 
To me is nat that shuld me glaid reseruit. 

I curse the tyme of myne Natiuitee, 

Whar in the heuin It ordinyd was for me,** 

In all my lyue neuer til haue eese ; 

But for to be example of disese. 
And that apperith that euery vicht may see. 

Sen thelke tyme that I had sufficians*" 

Of age, and chargit thoghtis sufferans, 
Nor neuer I continewite haith o day 
Without the payne of thoghtis hard assay ; 

Thus goith my youth in tempest and penans. 

And now my body is in presone broght ; 
But of my wo, that in Regard is noght, 

The wich myne hart felith euer more. 

O deth, allace ! whi hath yow me forbore 
That of remed haith the so long besoght ? 

In line 1016 Lancelot, like the hero of the Quair (Ixiii.), begins 

an apostrophe to his heart. There is a description of Gawane 

(2755-8) which in matter and manner at once reminds a reader of 

K. Q. stanza 1. : 

In hyme was manhed, curtessy, and trouth, 
Besy travel] In knighthed, ay but sleuth, 
Humilyte, gentrice, and [hye] cwrag ; 
In hyme thar was no maner of outrage. 

The Black Knight's soliloquy on love (3277-80) is but a chivalrous 
summary of Venus' admonition to the lover in stanza cix. : 

And well yhow wot that on to her presens 
Til her estat nor til hir excellens 
Thi febilness neuermore is able 
For to attan sche is so honorable. 


The poet of Lancelot has two styles ; one, apparent in the 
Prologue, is long-winded and tedious, as if the writer could not 
finish a sentence and had become a meandering bore. The other 
is vigorous, fairly compact, and spirited. It appears throughout 
the greater part of the translation. The French original has 
imposed a limit and compelled a certain degree of precision. The 
poet of the Kingis Quair has the same characteristic. He has two 
styles. But the prolix manner is rare because the Troilus stanza 
does not lend itself to it. Yet it does appear in stanzas ii.-iv., 
xxxii.-iv., cliii.-v., and clvi.-ix. 

Here as in the Kingis Quair there is a fondness for interrogation 
and occasionally a predilection for a succession of clauses beginning 
with "sum," "sum," "sum," as at 2550-53 : 

Sum for wyning, sum causith was for luf, 
Sum causit was of wordis he and hate. 

The same kind of succession of clauses is to be found in the 
Kingis Quair (Ixxxvi.-vii.), in the Quare of Jelusy (446-9), and 
in other passages of both poems. 

Little similarities of phrase are numerous. In both poems the 
use of " quhy " as a noun is very common, and " furth " occurs 
with great frequency, also the elsewhere uncommon words 
" dedeyne " for " deign " (K. Q. clxviii. 3, 11. 240 and 949), 
" hufing," "waiting" {K. Q. clix. 4, 1. 1046), and "cowardye" 
(K. Q. Ixxxix. 4, 11. 1023, 3278). Both poets refer to Ovid 
by name {K. Q. Ixxxv. 7, 1, 107); both use the phrase "from 
the deth " {K. Q. clxxxvii. 7, 1. 2959) ; while the poet mentioned 
at the close of the Prologue^" is called, like Boethius, "a com- 
pilour," ^^ and he is praised like him for " the fresch enditing of 
his laiting toung."^^ 

There is likeness also in certain aspects of the versification ; 
there is the same frequent overflow of meaning from line to line, 
and there is in Lancelot comparatively frequent rhyming of a word 
with itself, if we reckon among these rhymes words like accorde 
and recorde, dewyss wyss, awyss wyss, demande commande, forme 
reforme. Where there is absolutely identical rhyme as in poynt 
poynt (797-8, 3467-8), hard ^ari (1653-4), i^ow i^ow (1371-2), the 
poet does not follow Chaucer's example of selecting words similar 
in sound but different in meaning like see (sea) see (to see), hye 


(haste) hye (high). This feature appears also in the Quair in such 
rhymes as fall fall, mynd mynd, and other instances referred to 
elsewhere. Rhymes with accent on ing and ness are frequent in 
all three , poems, and they all shew, though rarely, a freedom in 
rhyme which Chaucer would have scorned. The Quair (xxxviii.) 
rhymes large, charge, and cor age ; Lancelot gud and destitude 
(95-96) and destitut conclud (193-4, 1 177-8). The Quare of 
Jelusy has this last peculiarity also (520, 523, 524), and the novel 
form " chapture " is coined to rhyme with " pure." 

No comment is necessary upon the fact that in the actual texts 
of both poems final e needs often to be added, and final en, and 
initial y-, that short words are wanting and superfluous words are 
added, for this simply means that the scribes were careless and 
little appreciative of the music of verse. 

There are of course striking differences also, and in certain 
portions of Lancelot there are linguistic peculiarities which will be 
remarked upon in Section V. 

The Quare of Jelusy, also in a unique text, is found in the same 
MS. as the Quair, folios 221-228. The colophon Quod Auch led 
David Laing, the only editor, to assign it to Auchinleck (in Scot- 
land pronounced Affleck), and to identify him with the poet 
mentioned by Dunbar in his Lament for the Makaris : 

That scorpioun fell hes done infek 
Maister Johne Gierke and James Afflek 
Fra balat making and trigide. 

Laing thinks that possibly he is the James Auchlek who graduated 
at St. Andrews^* in 1471, and who is marked /i««/>^r in the register 
— which shows that in graduating he was not asked to pay fees. 
Laing also believes that this Auchinleck was, in 1494, Secretary to 
the Earl of Ross and Precentor of Caithness, who died in September, 

Whoever the poet was, who is designated by the abbreviation 
Auch, there can be no doubt about his knowledge of the Kingis 
Quair and partial dependence upon it. There are many verbal 
resemblances which are given in detail in the notes, and there is . 
the same love of interrogation and the same frequent use of padding. 
There is also kindred debt to Gower, Chaucer, and Lydgate, in 


particular to the Temple of Glas. The plan of the later Quare 
has been to some extent modelled on that of the earlier. There 
is the same grave ethical spirit and the same disposition to exhort. 

The second poem treats of Jealousy, its character and conse- 
quences, as the first does of Love, its nature, course, difficulties and 
final triumph. For while the Kingis Quair is based to a certain 
extent upon a passage in the life of King James L, it is sub- 
stantially an allegory and sermon upon the blameworthiness of 
mere appetite, and upon the necessity for the cooperation of 
passion, wisdom, and good fortune, if marriage is to be happy. 
Both poems condemn severely the licentiousness of the age, and 
both shew a purity of sentiment and of expression rare in fifteenth- 
century Scottish poetry, and unknown in sixteenth-century poetry 
until after the Reformation. 

In the Quare of felusy the poet deals, as he says, with what has 
been part of his personal experience. He does not, however, employ 
the Dream device, but adopts the equally common adventure upon 
a May morning. He awakes ; something comes to his remem- 
brance ; he can sleep no longer, and he goes forth and walks by 
the side of a river which bounds a wood. There he sees a beautiful 
lady who curses Jealousy in an agony of despair. The poet is so 
much moved that he would fain seek to offer comfort, but the 
lady is joined by a companion, and the two ladies go away together. 
Pity and anger rouse him to write something in scorn of Jealousy. 
He does this with much emphasis but with little power of 
imagination or beauty of phrase. He is thus led to the main body 
of his work, which he calls " a treatise in reproof of jealousy." 
Now the Kingis Quair, which opens in mid-winter, not in early 
summer, has a parallel twofold introduction. In the first part the 
poet is brought to the point of writing, in the second he gives his 
personal experience leading to the dream which gives the substance 
of the poem. The second part of the introduction in each poem 
opens with an invocation of Youth,^^ and both poems in the second 
part of their introduction have an invocation of Thesiphone, oddly 
enough in different erroneous ways, for while Thesiphone in the 
Kingis Quair is a Muse, in the Quare of felusy she has changed 
sex and is invoked as " Thou lord of wo and care." The con- 
cluding part of each poem has an address to lovers and an apology 


for the poet's want of skill — much more appropriate to the later 

poem than to the earlier. In structure, thought, diction and 

versification the second Quare is as much inferior to the first as 

Jealousy is inferior to Love. 

For the substance of his work Auchinleck, if we may call the 

poet by his conjectural name, uses material drawn from sources 

not used by the writer of the Kingis Quair. He knows something 

of Bacchus and Sydrake, a curious book, known at least by report to 

Gavin Douglas, who names the Christian sage in his Palice of 

Honour : 

Melyssus with his sawis but defence 
Sidrake, Secundus, and Solenyus 1^' 

He has read in part either the Legenda Aurea or the Scottish Lives 
of the Saints attributed to Barbour, because he mentions the punish- 
ment of Henry II. (S. Henry), Emperor of Germany, for his jealousy 
of his Empress Cunegunda, and tells how he was saved by the 
intercession of S. Lawrence. 

The later poem has a much more frequent reference to Scrip- 
ture. The poet has his eye upon Scottish life as it was lived 
around him. He has marked the character and conduct of the 
more powerful classes, and he illustrates his teaching by direct 
reference to a then well-known tragedy in high life, the murder of 
a wife by her jealous husband and the suicide of the murderer. 

On the formal side this poem links both with the Kingis Quair 
and Lancelot of the Laik. The poet endeavours to make up for 
his thinner thought and feebler poetic message by greater metrical 
variety. In his 607 lines he uses five verse forms. Lines 1-190 
are written in five-accent couplet, lines 19 1-3 16 in the nine-line 
stanza of Chaucer's Compleynt of Faire Anelyda upon Fals Arcyte, 
rhyming a a b, aab, bab, and lines 317-463 in Troilus stanza. 
The nine-line stanza is resumed at 464 and is carried on to line 
571 ; lines 572-581 form a ten-line stanza rhyming aab, aab, 
b c b c ; and the five-accent couplet is once more employed in the 
closing address to lovers, lines 582-607. If, in a poem which is 
tedious throughout, the writer can be described as having two 
styles, there is a very long-winded style in the five-accent portions, 
and a fairly compact style in the stanza sections, especially in the 
part in Troilus stanza, where the meaning never overflows as it 


does sometimes, though rarely, in the Kingis Quair. Overflow 
of meaning from line to line is fairly common, but there is a 
severity and a simplicity about this stanza in the Quare of Jelusy 
which contrast with the more refined art and greater variety of 
the earlier poem. The rhymes, with the exceptions already noted, 
are of the usual type, and in both Quairs hert astert seems a 

Links between Lancelot and the Quare of felusy are numerous. 
Both poems are indebted to the Knight's Tale and the Squire's 
Tale, and in both there is reference to the Book of Daniel {L. L. 
^3^5> Q- 1- 350> 351)- Th^ opening of the later poem recalls the 
opening of Book IIL of Lancelot. But nowhere in the Quare is 
there any passage fit to be compared with the finer and more 
spirited portions of the romance. 

The Prologue of Lancelot and the five-accent portions of the 
Quare of felusy are most nearly related. All that has already 
been said about points of likeness in poetic manner between 
Lancelot and the Kingis Quair applies likewise to the Quare of 
felusy. Rhyming correspondences are also threefold, with the 
exception of one uncommon rhyme already mentioned. Final 
ing and final ness are very common, and the rhyming of a word 
with itself occurs a few times in the Quare of felusy. Similarities 
of expression are also found. In addition to those indicated in the 
Notes may be mentioned " sobir ayer " [Q. f. 18, L. L. 352), 
"abominable was hold " {Q. J. 255, L. L. 1625). 

Reserving questions of language, meanwhile, we ask what 
conclusion may be drawn as to the relation of the three poems ? 
Have we, as tradition has it, three poets — King James writing 
in 1423 or 1424, and two Scottish subjects writing later who 
knewr his work and used it ? Have we two poets — a poet of the 
Kingis Quair, and one poet of two later poems, as Professor Skeat 
privately assures me he is able to prove ? There is a third 
possible solution — that we have but one poet who partly trans- 
lated a French romance in his youth, who was much indebted 
to Chaucer's Knight's Tale and was fired by the spirit of it in his 
higher moods, who extended his knowledge of English poetry and 
wrote the Kingis Quair, and who finally in old age, with failing 
power and no inspiration, wrote the Quare of felusy. This is but 


a possibility, certainly not proved, perhaps not provable, but such 
diversities as are to be found, and they are striking enough, may 
be due to the different stages of hfe at which one poet wrote 
rather than to a succession of different poets. 

As documents in the narrower sense the two Quairs have little 
light to throw upon fifteenth-century Scotland. In the wider 
sense they shed much. They shew by their very imperfections 
at what a mighty price in culture and attainment, as well as in 
material comfort, the struggle with England was carried on. A 
Scotsman who loves his country is touched by this poetic poverty. 
He remembers that it is part of the payment for the conflict 
which moulded the national character and gave to the Scottish 
people a resoluteness and love of freedom which could not other- 
wise have been theirs. 

Later Scottish poets have casual phrases which point to some 
knowledge of the Quair. No one has borrowed from the sub- 
stance of it or has endeavoured to write in the manner of it, 
though the stanza has been much used. Henryson possibly knew 
the poem, and he has slight coincidences both of thought and 
diction. The coincidences of thought are chiefly on the subject 
of Fortune. Thus he writes in the Testament of Cresseid (549, 

550) : 

So elevait I was in wantones 

And clam upon the fickle quheill sa hie ;87 

and in The Lyon and the Mous : 

Thow fals fortune ! quhilk of all variance 

Is haill maistres and leidar of the dance. (200, 201). 

More relevant is the passage in Orpheus and Eurydice (453-458) : 

And thir thre turnis ay 
Ane ugly quhele, is noucht ellis to say. 
That warldly men sumtyme ar casten hie. 
Apon the quhele, in grete prosperitee 
And wyth a quhirl, unwarly or thai witte, 
Ar thrawin doun to pure and law estate.^ 

Henryson uses the phrase " golden wyre " : 

As golden wyre sa glitterand was his hair {T. C. 177) ;^' 

and "ane spark of luf " (T. C. 512)^° and " cry peip anis," "Cry 
peip, quhare euir 36 be" (U. M. and B. M. 26, 147), which recall 
" Now, suete bird, say ones to me ' pepe.' " ^^ 


In Dunbar's poetry there are a few indications of knowledge 
of the Quair in certain phrases in the Goldyn Targe as well as 
in the invocation of Chaucer, and Gower, and Lydgate, and in 
the address to his poem as a " lytill quair " in the last stanza. 
Chaucer is addressed : 

O reuerend Chaucer, rose of rethoris all. 
As in oure tong ane flour imperial!, 

That raise in Britane ewir, quho redis rycht. 
Thou beris of makaris the tryumph riall.*^ 

"Morall Gower and Lydgate laureate" are praised with more 
warmth than discrimination : 

Your angel mouthis most mellifluate 

Our rude language has clere illumynate 

And faire our-gilt oure speche, that iraperfyte 
Stude, or your goldyn pennis schupe to wryte : 

This He before was bare and desolate 
Off rethorike or lusty fresch endyte.^' 

The address to his Quair is in the usual style of modest 

In Gavin Douglas there is practically nothing that would even 
suggest knowledge of the Quair or of the other poems most 
closely related to it. Possibly the line " Help, Calyope, and wynd, 
in Marye name " (stanza xvii. 6) may have suggested the contrast 
in the Proloug of the First Buik of the Mneid : 

On thee I call, and Mary virgine myld. 

Calliope nor pagane goddis wyld 

May do to me no thing bot harrae, I wene, 

In Christ is all my traist and hewynnis quene.^* 

The Proloug of the Fowrt Buik'^ has, in the course of "a 
gud counsall to all wemen," the following passage which recalls 
the Quare ofjelusy (467, 470) : 

Fy on desait and fals dissimulance 
Contrar to kynd wyth fen^eit cheir smyling, 
Wndir the cloke of lufiis obseruance, 
The venom of the serpent redy to sting ! 

But as Douglas expressly refers to Gower he probably was think- 
ing of Auchinleck's original rather than of his poem. 

While there is all but absence of reference in Douglas, Lyndsay 
has a few passages which point to familiarity with the language 
of the poem and occasionally he has references to King James I. 


himself, although he never expressly designs him poet. Yet, as 
has been pointed out, he implies that James was a poet.*^ He 
alludes to the King's captivity and to Rothesay's death,*'' and he 
quotes the saying " He would make the rash bush keep the cow."** 
He expressly refers to King James First's description of the over- 
pious liberality of King David I. 

King James the first, roy of this regioun. 

Said that he was ane sair sanct to the crown. (II. 150.) 

The most significant reference to the Quair, already quoted, is : 
And spairis nocht the prince more than the paige.^' 

Other references are scarcely doubtful. The opening lines of 
The Prologue to the Dreme are reminiscent of the opening of the 
Quair : 

In the Calendis of lanuarie 

Quhen fresche Phebus, be moving clrculair, 
From Capricorne was enterit in Aqnarie 

With blastis that the branches maid full bare.'" 

So are the birds' blessing of summer, and the weltering of the 
waves up and down (90 and 128), and the description of Venus : 

Thay peirsit myne hart, hir blenkis amorous, 
Quhowbeit that sumtyme, scho is changeabyll 

With countenance and cheir full dolorous, 

Quhylumis rycht plesand, glaid and delectabyll ;, 
Sumtyme constant, and sumtyme variabyll.'l 

This recalls the picture of the goddess Fortune in stanza clxi. of 
the Quair. The prologue to the Testament and Complaynt of the 
Papyngo has one or two slighter resemblances. It announces that 
the bell of rhetoric has been rung by Chaucer, Gower, and Lid- 
gate laureate, and it shews a kindred feeling about birds. Like 
Henryson, Lyndsay compares hair to gold wire : 

Lyke the quhyte lyllie was hir lyre, 
Hir hair wes like the reid gold wyre.'^ 

In the Testament appended to the same poem he makes the 
valiant squire deplore black suits of woe : 

Dull weidis I think hypocrisie and scome 
With huidis heklet doun ouirthort thair ene.'^ 

The hypocritical folk of religion, who freely served love in 
secret, are seen by the poet attired in the same fashion : 
For schame thaire hudis oure thaire eyne thay hyng.'* 


After Lyndsay's day, although the King's poetry is referred to 
by Buchanan, as we have seen, there is nothing, so far as I remem- 
ber, to show that it was known to any Scottish or English poet, 
until the re-discovery and publication of it by William Tytler 
in 1783. 



The unique MS. of the Kingis Quair is part of the well-known 
Bodleian volume already designated, and is written on folios 
192-211. It has few features likely to rouse enthusiasm in a 
student of palaeography. There is elaborate ornamentation on the 
first page, but, except in occasional initial capital letters, none else- 
where. There is, throughout, a rudimentary system of punctua- 
tion which is observed in the transcript, but it would be difficult 
to say on what principle it is based. The capital letter I has 
several forms. They vary from a long bold letter to a much 
shorter, which can with difficulty be distinguished from the 
ordinary small cursive i. The contractions used are the ordinary 
contractions of the period, and there were two scribes, the second 
beginning at stanza clxxviii. i. The handwriting of each is 
singularly uniform, but the second begins his work in a very fine 
small script, and passes at clxxxii. 2 to a larger and bolder writing. 
All experts are agreed that the , manuscript belongs to the latter 
half of the fifteenth century. Indeed it may belong to any decade 
from 1488 to 1513. The late David Laing, who had made a 
collation of Tytler's text with the MS., probably with a view to 
a new edition, believed that it was written towards the end of the 
fifteenth century.* 

The MS., however, like many medieval copies of earlier 
vernacular work, has not a few slight blunders, which make 
amendment of the text necessary. Some errors of transcription 
have been noted by the first scribe, and a later hand has sought 
to amend, erroneously at one point, correctly at another. There 

■* Manuscript note in Laing's copy of Tytler's edition of the Quair, formerly 
the property of the late John Scott, C.B., of Hawkhead, now in the possession 
of the present editor. 


are, besides, other errors in the text, apparent from the faulty 
rhythm of many verses, and these errors are due now to omission, 
now to addition. A few errors are to be traced to wrong 
reading of the original, this being manifest by a result which is 

The errors noted and corrected by the first scribe are these. 
In xxi. 4 " freschenesse " is stroked out and " confort " put in 
the margin, " in drede " is stroked out after " help " in xxviii. 7, 
while in xlv. 5 a bungled " gan " is stroked through and a clear 
" gan " written after it. In Ixxii. 3 " ly " is written before "lef " 
but marked out, as "full" is after "smyte" in cv. 7, while in 
cviii. 7 " graice " has over it certain strokes, as if for deletion, and 
in cix. 7, " foule on " is written over " doken." There are two 
corrections in cxv. In line 6 " breken " after " hot " is scored 
through and written anew above, while in line 7 " Is non " is 
written and the " non " is corrected to " no'," " eft," which follows, 
being written in a bold hand over some other word simply begun, 
while "none" is written above partly over "no<" and partly 
over " eft." In cxxxiv. 7, " heid " is written above " ypocrisye," 
and in cxlv. I " the " before " creatures " is marked out and " je " 
is written above. " In a rout can " copied from the line above is 
repeated in cliii. 4. The stroking through, here, may be by a 
later hand. Lines 4, 5, in clxxv., have been transposed in copy- 

ing, but they are marked a unmistakably by the original scribe. 

A similar transposition, in clxxxv. 4, 5, is noted by a in the left 

margin and }tr on the right, but this correction is certainly by a 
later hand, as is the addition of / to " pouert " in v. 6 ; line 4 of 
clx. is incomplete, the word or one of the words omitted being 
the rhyme word. In clxxxii. 4 the scribe corrects " coppin " to 
" croppin " by writing r above 0. 

A mistake in copying accounts for the repetition of "floure- 
ionettis " in xlvii. 5, taken down from the close of the line above. 
Yet repetition of the same word in rhyme is an occasional 

Faults of rhythm, wholly out of keeping with the metrical 

* Instances will be found in vii. i, 5 ; xxxvii. 6, 7 ; clxxii. 4, 5. 


excellence of the main body of the poem, disclose two whole 
classes of scribal mistakes. Monosyllables and final syllables are 
often omitted ; sometimes, but much more rarely, two syllables 
are lacking. Occasionally there is redundancy, and this where 
the syllable cannot be regarded as a light ending to verse or half 
verse. Instances of such omission (and there are many more, as 
perusal of the exact transcript and comparison with the amended 
text will shew) are to be found in iii. 3, viii. 7, ix. 2, xv. 4, 
xxiv. 4, Ixxvi. 6, cxxii. 6, cxlii. 5, cxcvi. 5. As striking as any is 
xiv. I, where two syllables are wanting and " Thou " is written 
"Though." In xxiii.4, Ivi. 7, Ixxiv. 7, and xcvii. 5, there are instances 
of a wholly unmusical redundant syllable, and these are but a few 
out of a considerable number. Other slips of the scribes are the 
running together of words which should be separate and the 
separation of parts of a word which should be united. Thus 
" quitis " is written for "quit is" in vi. 4, and " alyte " for "a 
lyte " in clxi. 3. " Tocum " in xiv. 6, like " salbe " in cxcv. 4, 
is a common Middle Scots scribal practice. 

On the other hand such severances as " lok in " for " lokin " 
in cxxxv. 5, and " bynd and " for " byndand " in cvii. 5 are the 
result of pure misunderstanding on the part of the scribe, as are 
" theire " for " thir " in vi. 5, " wil " for " wel " in cxxxiii. 2, 
" this " for " thinkis " in clxxxiii. 5, " cunnyng " for " cummyn " 
in clxxxv. 6, " quhile " for " quhele," clxxxix. 7, " one " for 
" me " in cxci. 6, and " chiere " for " chere " in clxi. 3. To the 
same kind of blundering are probably to be attributed " late " for 
" lyte " in i. 5, " north northward " for " north-north-west " in 
i. 7, " poetly " for " poleyt " iv. 6, " hailsing " for " halflyng " 
in clxvi. 4, and " Sanctis " for " factis " in cxci. 3. But these last 
are matters of opinion not of fact, although the probability of their 
being mistakes is strong, as is the conclusion that " Citherea " in 
i. 3 is an error for " Cinthia " and " Inpnis " not for " Impnis " 
but for "Ympis" in the last stanza of the poem. Difficulties 
are presented likewise by " said renewe " in cxxv. 5, by the line 

cxx. 2 : 

Vnto the quhich je aught and maist weye, 

and by the couplet clxx. 6, 7 : 

Be froward opposyt quhare till aspert. 
Now sail thai turn, and luke on the dert. 


The natural inference from these facts — and the statement of 
them is not exhaustive — is that precious though the MS. be it is 
not absolutely authoritative. It is not an autograph ; yet looking 
to the character of some of the first scribe's corrections, it is 
possibly a copy of an autograph, which here and there had been 
difficult to read, and had traces of corrections some of which, like 
those in xxi. 4 and xxviii. 7, have passed over to the copy. 

As there are no other manuscripts for comparison the quest 
of a true text ought perhaps to be abandoned as impracticable. 
Johnson's maxims rise to the mind. " The collator's province is 
safe and easy, the conjecturer's perilous and difficult. There is 
danger lest peculiarities should be mistaken for corruptions and 
passages rejected as unintelligible which a narrow mind happens 
not to understand." Yet an endeavour to construct a true text 
is at least less censurable when the actual text is given ; for when 
comparison of one part of the poem with another, and conjecture 
in the light of MS. and other poetry of the time have failed to 
give a satisfactory solution of what are certainly difficulties, prob- 
ably errors, failure may suggest a solution to some one else. One 
cannot say that the arrangement of verses cxxxv. 4, 5 is wrong. 
The imperfect knitting of the syntax may be due to the poet, 
not to the scribe. But as there is one certain derangement in 
clxxv. 4, 5, and another highly probable in clxxxv. 4, 5, it is at 
least permissible to rearrange stanza cxxxv. and also ex. 

Professor Skeat found the clue to many faults of rhythm by 
pointing to the scribe's imperfect mastery of Chaucer's use of 
final e. How much of what we find in rhythmical confusion is 
due to the poet, how much to the scribe, cannot be decided. 
Probably the greater part, perhaps the whole, is due to the scribes, 
who could not have such familiarity with the verse of Chaucer as 
the poet. The methods of Scottish medieval scribes with final e are 
past finding out. No better instance of the restoration of melody 
to a verse could be given than Dr. Skeat's amendment of the MS. 

in xxxii. 4 : 

The scharp grene suete lenepere 
which becomes 

The scharpg grene suetg lenepere. 

A glance at his suggested readings given with the amended text 
will shew how effective his method is. It is not a complete 


explanation, however, and he has occasionally applied his key- 
where a closer investigation scarcely sanctions its use, for example 
in "estate" (iii. 6) and "prynce" (ix. 5), in " foure " (xxi. i),* 
in cix. 7, where the rhythm does not require it, and in the sugges- 
tion that i. 7 should read " north northgward." It may at least be 
debated whether the poet did not in such words as " fair " take the 
liberty of now making them monosyllables, now dissyllables, fair, 
as they are in some Scottish dialects to this day. This variation 
according to metrical needs is a common feature of Chaucer's 
verse, especially with regard to the accentuation of French words.t 
It is found in the Quair ; confort is now confort (iv. 7 and xxv. 7) 
and again confort (cxxiii. 4 and cxxvii. 5). The same kind of 
alternation w^e find in the Qwar^ ofjelusy, ■where in lines 598,599, 
we have "aire" and "fire" monosyllabic, and in 18 "ayer," in 
557 "fyir," dissyllabic, if "fyir" be the correct reading. 

There is, of course, peril attending the introduction of un- 
represented words of one or two syllables into an amended text. 
But as the rhythm and sometimes the sense demand such additions 
the main question is whether they are made with due regard to 
analogy. Thus to introduce an initial " And " in i. 7 and xlvii. i 
may seem arbitrary. Yet we find initial " And " omitted in the 
last line of the last stzmn of the Ballad of Good Counsel {Czmb. MS.) 
where not only the Bannatyne MS. and the Gude and Godlie 
Ballatu version but the first stanza of the Cambridge version itself 
prove that it must have been written by the poet. Besides a 
frequent symbol for " and " was @, which might easily be over- 
looked. Similarly the manifest omission of a two-syllable word 
before " jouth " in xiv. i justifies Dr. Skeat's suggestion of " sely," 
occasionally used elsewhere in the poem, as perhaps it may justify 
the alternative " tendir " in the text, suggested by the corresponding 
passage in the Quare of Jelusy. In clxxxix. i likewise, some such 
word as " hye," " grete," or " blisfull " is needed for balance and 
for rhythm. Dr. Skeat has given " heyg " applied to Venus in 
xcix. I ; " blissfiill " in the text, from cxcii. 4, is adopted rather as 
an alternative than as an improvement. None of the words sug- 

* Fourg is Gower's pronunciation. Scottish usage and the Old English 
form feOwer suggest fowfir as the sound. In L. L. 610 to keep the rhythm 
xxiiij must be pronounced twenty-fowfir. 

t Ten Brink — "Chancers Sprache und Verskunst," § 284. 



gested may give the poet's text, but some such adjective he certainly 
did use. In the Notes reasons are given for readings adopted except 
for vocal final e, en, and initial y, the explanation in such cases 
being obvious. 

The Quare of Jelusy, as has already been noted, is found in the 
same MS. It may have been written by the second scribe of the 
Kingis Quair, but this is doubtful.* It begins at the top of folio 22 1 
verso, and ends on 228 verso. The MS. has been slightly damaged 
on 225 verso, 226 verso, on 227 and 227 verso, and on 228. On 
227 and 228 some initial words have been wholly obliterated. 
Some liquid seems to have been spilled over the parts thus blurred. 
Blanks are supplied from Laing's text. The handwriting is uniform 
throughout. Highly ornamental capitals are found at the opening 
of the poem, of the address to youth, and of the " Trety in the 
reprefe of lelusy." Elsewhere elaborate capitals are more common 
than in the earlier poem. There are no corrections by the scribe 
as in the first part of the Kingis Quair, but there are kindred slips 
in transcription, as is evident from omissions of small words and 
from faults in rhythm and occasional redundancies. Yet, from 
the character of the poem as a whole, one is disposed now and 
again to blame the poet rather than the scribe, although probably 
to the scribe are to be assigned most of the errors. As these are 
specified in suggested amendments to the text and briefly com- 
mented on in the Notes, all that is here necessary is to give a few 
instances of the kind of emendation required. Addition of final i' 
gives proper rhythm in line 1 7, " But walking furth upon the 
newe grene," in 67, " The scharpe deth mote perce me throuch 
the hert"; in 119 " quhich to my herte sat full very nere." 
Initial " and " corrects both metre and thought in 1. 83, " And 
wote that I am sakelese, me defende," while the substitution of 
"Leuith" for "Beleuith" in 589 gives at once rhythm and 
meaning, although " beleue " is used in the same sense as " leue," 
but not frequently. Possibly the text might be kept by pro- 
nouncing "beleu'th." "Ilk" for "thilk" in 1. 86, and "ony" 
for " mony " in 1. 198, and " sewe " for " schewe " in 1. 533 give 
the poet's meaning. Short words have fallen out of the text as in 
11. 143, 223, 345, 378, and 494, and the probability is that the 
* See Appendix C — The scribes of the two Quairs. 


poet wrote "off" and not "under" in 1. 78, and "fyir" not 

The Ballad of Good Counsel has an interest of a wholly different 
kind. The three forms of it make a probable reconstruction of 
the original possible. The Cambridge MS., which gives the 
oldest form, is plainly the least accurate. One whole stanza is 
wanting, and, considering the length of the piece, scribal errors 
are numerous. Yet this version is important because it shews 
very clearly the kind of negligence which may be looked for in 
copies of medieval vernacular poems, while the later versions 
exhibit the unconscious process of modernisation which went on 
when a scribe of a later generation undertook to give a copy of an 
earlier poem to his contemporaries. Testing the Cambridge MS. 
by Dr. Skeat's restored version,* which most scholars will generally 
approve,t we find eight errors in fourteen lines, to say nothing of 
the omission of the second stanza. If, on the other hand, we test 
the later versions by the earliest, where this has manifestly the 
better readings, we see that neither has " noblay," or " weill," or 
" sew," and in each case the word substituted is meant to explain 
what has become archaic. 



To discuss the language of the Ballad a sentence or two will 
suffice. In its earliest form it is fifteenth century Scots without 
admixture of English. The inflections shew this purity — 
" incressis," " steppis," " eene," which the scribe wrote amiss as 
" erne." '■'■A spane " is also early, as is the noun " noblay," which 
is found in Gower^ and Chaucer,^ in the Bruce^ and the Lives of 
the Saints,^ but not, so far as I have noted, in Henryson, Dunbar, 
Douglas or Lyndsay. 

The Kingis Quair presents a more complex problem and the 
first aspect of it meets us in some slight linguistic differences in 
the portions written by the different scribes. In the last twenty 
stanzas we find two words in a form never used by the first scribe. 

* S. T. S. Ed. of A", g., p. 54- 

t The close of 1. 5 was, perhaps, « that first thy lyf began." 


These are " witht " (clxxviii. 4) and " coutht " (cxcvi. 6). Of 
many noun plurals all are in " is " or " ys " except one " tymes " 
(clxxx. 2). " War " as preterite of the verb " to be " occurs twice 
(clxxxii. 4 and clxxxvii. 4). This form does not once occur in the 
foregoing one hundred and seventy-seven stanzas. " Endith " for 
" endit " (cxcvi. i ), " plesandly " (clxxviii. 5), and the spellings hich 
and boith are also peculiar to this part. There are three Midland 
English present indicative plurals : " ben " (clxxix. 2), " lyven " 
(clxxxvi. 2), and "glitteren" (clxxxix. 2), and tw^o third singular 
presents, " hath " (cxci. 4) and " flourith " (cxciii. 4). There is one 
second singular present indicative in yst — " cummyst " (cxcv. i ). 
Every vi^eak preterite ends in it, and one present participle in 
and — " lyvand " (cxcvii. 3); " wald " occurs, never "wold." 
English contamination of Scottish speech is thus at almost the 
lowest point consistent with its presence in the poet's language. 

When we turn to the much larger portion of the poem written 
by the first scribe we find a liberal mingling of English and 
Scottish forms with an additional slight element of provincialism 
or, it may be, of deliberate artificiality. In the noun the common 
Southern English plural form es is of frequent occurrence : sterres, 
peynes, stremes, menes, aleyes, leues, assayes, hertes, dremes, 
hemes, layes, dayes, armes, ladyes, bodyes, and others are found, 
but the prevailing plural is in is, occasionally ys. In the adjective 
no plural form is found except in occasional final e as in " smale 
grene twistis" (xxxiii. i), "the suetS grene bewis" (Ixvii. 2), and 
this vocal final e is not regular. The poet, as Dr. Skeat has shewn 
in great detail,* followed Chaucer in occasional employment of 
the definite form of the adjective which had a vocal final e. The 
definite form occurs after a possessive pronoun, and after the, that, 
and this. Instances are so frequent that it is not necessary to 
mention more than one or two by way of illustration. Such we 
have in "the plane" (xxxvi. i), "the colde" (Ixxiii. 4), "the 
slawS," "the nycg" (civ. 4, 5). 

In the verb the second singular present indicative is found in 

the normal Scottish form "thou seis" (Ixxxviii. 2), "standis 

thou" and "wantis" (cxv. 6, 7), "thou has" (liv. 4), "thou 

descendis" (cxv. i), "gynnis" (Ivii. 7), but there is also the 

* Introd. K. Q., p. xxix. 


Southern " hastow " (Iviii. i), and " wostow " for " woldest thou " 
(lix. 3). 

The Southern third person singular present eth, generally repre- 
sented by ith, is very common, but the Scottish form in is prevails, 
while the present plural is found in en and ith and is. The en for 
this inflection is so common that it amply justifies Dr. Skeat's 
addition of it to vs^ords where it is not written, in order to correct 
the rhythm. The use of the several inflections seems to be 
entirely arbitrary. Thus in cxviii. we read " dropen," " styntith," 
" murnyth," " haue," and " hiden," while in cxix. there are 
" flouris springis," " birdis sing," " gynnen folk renew." The 
Scottish weak preterite it, with the variant id, prevails, " rynsid " 
(i. 4), but the Southern ed is found in " heved " (i. 6), " ensured " 
(ix. 5), " despeired " (xxx. 2), " depeynted " (xliii. 4), " maked " 
(ex. 7). 

In the verb to be " bene," " ben," " ar," " are," and " is " (cxx. 3) 
are all found as present plural indicative. The Midland preterite 
" weren " occurs (xxiv. 6), but this form is required by the 
metre ; elsewhere it is " were " (xcii. i, 3, 6 ; xciii. 3). The 
Southern imperative plural is also found in cii. 5 " schapith," and 
this fact may justify the amendment of the text to " worschippeth " 
(cxxxiv. i), "chideth" (Ivi. 6), and " groundith " (cxxxi. 6). 
The Southern pure infinitive and gerundial infinitive in en are 
also common, while the Northern present participle in and occurs 
but once, in " byndand," if this be the correct reading and the 
scribe have bungled by separating bynd and and. Provincialisms 
are " gardyng " in xxxiii. 5, " I falling " in xlv. 4, and an artificial 
form is " forehede," if " fairhede " be the correct reading. 

One of the most marked Southern English characteristics is the 
use of the modified intensive past participle prefix y or i, for Old 
English ge, which at a very early period largely disappeared from 
the Northern dialect. It remains in I-blent, I-laid, i-thankit, 
i-wonne,* y-bete, y-bought, y-callit, y-thrungin, y-wallit. That 
this Southern survival is so frequent makes the restoration of it 
natural where rhythm is defective in verses with past participles, 
and that it is necessary for the metre shews that it cannot be 

* References will be found in the Glossary, "y-bete" is probably aa 
infinitive. See note in loco. ^ ■ 


regarded as a scribal peculiarity. But for this fact one might 
have explained the much stronger English colouring of the first 
scribe's work by his being himself of southern origin. A puzzling 
alternation of dialect is found in the use of " wald " and " wold," 
" wate " and " wote." On the other hand the Northern forms 
" sail " and " suld " are invariable. 

The language of the Quare of Jelusy closely resembles that of 
the Kingis Quair in its artificiality. It is a Scottish-English com- 
pound, but the compound has characteristic differences and one or 
two peculiarities to which there is nothing similar in the MS. 
text of the earlier poem, though some of them are common 
enough in Middle Scots (418). Such are "y-suffering" (369) for 
" sufFeren " as third plural present indicative, and " beith " for 
" is " in 519, and " is tone " for " tane," and " hath tone " (575). 
In some ways the language is more markedly Scottish than that of 
the Quair, in others more emphatically English. The poet or the 
scribe always uses "beseke" for "beseech" (187, 312, 597) ; he 
has the form "ta" for " take" (73) ; and in 171 he has "war" 
for " were," while more characteristically Scottish in spirit if not 
in usage is "was " for " were " in 257 — "was thir Ladies ever in 
honour hold." Scottish also is " mon " for " must " (266), as are 
" one creature " (although the for a is English) and " ane suich 
offence " (66), if " ane " be the correct reading. All weak preterites 
without exception are in it. The Poem has es plurals in almost the 
same proportion — " ladyes " and " ladies " several times, " termes " 
and " stories." In the infinitive and gerundial infinitive there is 
the same alternation of Southern and Northern forms. The scribe 
writes most frequently yn, sometimes in, for en : gladin, plesyn, 
chesyn, sittyn, fallyn, encressyn, but he has writen (178) and 
suffren (228). 

Southern influence is chiefly apparent in second and third person 
singular of the present indicative, in the imperative, and in the 
past participle. For the second person singular present the genuine 
Scottish is occurs but seldom — " thou knowis " (81), and even here 
Southern takes the place of Northern «, "thou leis " (47i)> 
" makis thou " (509). The false form " thou passith," " thou 
faylith," "thou werketh" is by comparison frequent. For the 
third singular ith occurs all but invariably. The Scottish inflection 


is found in 240, " that lyis," and there it is needed for rhyme. 
Imperatives in ith are numerous — " helpith, excusith, leuith," 
and others. Past participles with the intensive y prefix are twrice 
as common as in the Kingis Quair : " y-brocht, y-come, y-slawe, 
y-murderit, y-marterit, y-writte, y-bound, y-ground, y-sett, 
y-ronne, y-fret, y-brent." " Sail " is occasionally found, but 
" schall " is the prevailing form as is " schuld," once " schold " 
(217), but " suld " now and again occurs. " Wald " and " wold " 
are both written. The present participle is always ing, never and. 
The relative pronoun in both poems is variously guho, quhois, thaty 
quhich, the which, quhilk, in the Quare of Jelusy there is also which 
that. In the Kingis Quair that is the favourite relative, in the 
other poem the which. 

In Lancelot of the Laik there are all the varieties in noun, 
pronoun, and verb inflections which are found in the other poems, 
but the verbal forms are more frequently varied in spelling, the 
preterite plural of the verb " to be " appearing in six forms* nvar, 
veir, ware, waren, veryng, waryng. The poem has besides two 
peculiarities which never appear in either of the other poems. It 
has sometimes at for that (1027, 1198, 1235), and with equal 
frequency the form iff for give (1655, 1722, 1751). There is 
a curious variety in the use of the word " wy " meaning " wight." 
It never occurs in the Kingis Quair, it is found once in Lancelot, 
it is a common word in the Quare of Jelusy. If we accept some 
variations as scribal, especially the two above-noted peculiarities in 
Lancelot, there is little to take from the conclusion that possibly we 
have not three poets but one. A certain lack of uniformity may 
be looked for where the language used is artificial. 

Certain other features require to be noted. Lancelot and the 
Quare of Jelusy frequently have sett for though, the Kingis Quair 
has not this word at all. Lancelot has occasionally, but not often, 
supponit, proponit, dispone, the Quare of Jelusy has dispone twice, the 
Kingis Quair has not this form. In the use of ane or one before a 
normal consonant the poems show a striking uniformity, and, so 
far as there is variety, it is in agreement with what we have 
ventured to suggest as their historical order, Lancelot, in 3,486 
lines, has this usage twice — "in one plane" (683), "one new 
* Dr. Skeat's preface to L. L., p. xv. 


assemble" (930) — the Kingis Quair, in 1,379 lines, has it once — 
" ane surcote," already noted— the Quare of Jelusy, in 607 lines, 
has it thrice, if " did ane " is a proper amendment of " didin " in 
line 66. The other instances are "one lady" (145) and "ane 
noble hert" (304). How widely apart from other Middle Scots 
poems in this respect, as in the employment of English forms, 
these poems are, may be estimated by this contrast : Henryson in 
the Testament of Cresseid, which is but nine lines longer than the 
Quare of Je/usy, has this construction fifty-eight times ; Douglas, 
in 424 lines of King Hart, has it thirty times. 

The whole subject of the language of these poems, especially of 
the Kingis Quair, might well raise the question of a possible relation 
between it and fragment B of the Romaunt of the Rose. Dr. Skeat 
has shortly discussed it in §§ 73-76 of The Chaucer Canon, and is 
not altogether unfavourable to the hypothesis which was first 
suggested by Professor Seeley. He points to resemblances in sub- 
stance, metre and diction. That the poet of the Quair knew 
something of the content of the Romaunt of the Rose is certain. 
He probably knew fragment B, as will be evident from the Notes. 
There are touches in ix. 5, and in cxxxvi., which suggest not 
merely the thought of the Romaunt but the language, as will be 
apparent from 6333 and 6261, 2. But had the poet of the Quair 
been also a translator of the French poem we may confidently 
conclude from his free and constant use of Chaucer and of Lydgate's 
Temple of Glas that he would have drawn much more upon the 
older treasury. The whole strain of the language, the grammatical 
inflections, the ever-recurring her and hem for their and them point 
to a writer widely diiFerent from the author of the Kingis Quair. 
The Northern cast of fragment B is slight and casual. In the 
Kingis Quair it is emphatic and fundamental. 





^ Dunbar — Scottish Kings, p. 182, founding on Scotichron., xvi., 14, says that 
James was born in December. But suum natale tenuit here means " kept 
his Christmas." 

2 Wyntoun — Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 20. 

3 national MSS. ^'Scotland, Part II., No. xlix. 

* Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 15, 11. 1633-4. 

^ Exchequer Rolls, iv., p. clxxi., No. 2 ; Dunbar's Scottish Kings, p. 180. 
^ E. R.3S above. No. i ; Dunbar — ibid. 
' Boece — Scot. Hist., xvi., p. 334. 

* Buchanan — Scot. Hist., ix., c. 64. 

^ Lord Bute — Essays on Modern Subjects, p. 156. 

1" Regist. Eps. Mora'U., p. 382 ; Scotichron., II., p. 422. 

1^ Acts of Parlia?nent of Scot., I., p. 572. By this Act, of date June 23, 
1398, Rothesay was to act with the advice of the Council Genera), in 
their absence with the counsel of wise men and leal, among whom are 
named the Duke of Albany, Lord Brechin (Earl of AthoU), the Bishops 
of St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Aberdeen, the Earls of Douglas, Ross, 
Moray, Crawford. 

12 Lord Bute — Essays, as above, p. 163. 

13 Scotichron., xv., c. 11. 

1* Ibid., XV., c. 12 ; Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 22, 11. 2193-2202. 

'° Scotichron., xv., c. 12. 

'8 Extracta, p. 208 ; Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 23, 11. 221 1-2234; ^""^ of Plus- 
car den, x., c. 17. 

" Acts Pari. Scot., I., p. 210. 

18 Scotichron., xv., c. 12. 

" Ibid., c. 18. 

20 Wylie — History of England under Henry IV., II., p. 264, quoting Fon- 
blanque — Annals of House of Percy, I., p. 241. 

^1 Diet. Nat. Biog., xliv., p. 405. 

^^ Brennan — A History of the House of Percy, p. 89. 

^3 EiAdence gi'ven to Universities Commission in 1826 and in 1830, III., 
PP- 171 sqq. 

2* Scotichron., xv., c. 18. 

^8 Anchiennes Croniques d'Engleterre, I., p. 209. 

28 Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 25, 11. 2671-2710. 

2' Croniklis of Scotland, Bk. xvi., c. 15. 

^* Probably a mistake in transcription : ix. should be xi. 

2» Another mistake : MCCCCIV. should be MCCCCVI. 

3" Vid. Appendix A — Date of capture of James. 

31 K. Q., stanzas xxiii., xxiv. 

3^ Scotichron., Bk. xv., c. 18. 

33 Chronicle, II., p. 273. 


*• Chronicle of Kingdom of Scotland, p. 70. 
'* Scotichron., Bk. xv., c. 18. 
36 Bellenden — as above in 34. 
3' Hist, of Scot., m..,'p. 133. 

36 Oiyg. Chron., Bk. ix., c. 26, 11. 1711-18. Bower says that death of 
Robert III. fell on March 28, 1405. Scotichron., xv., c. 18. 

39 Scottish Kings, p. 183. 

40 Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 26, 11. 2729-2768. 
** Rymer — Foed, viii., p. 450. 


1 Bain — Calendar of documents relating to Scotland, IV., No. 723, quoting 

Issue Roll of Pells, 7 Henry IV. 

2 Ibid., No. 727. 

3 Date should be 31 October last, if no days be a correct reckoning. 

* Issue Rolls, Pells, Michaelmas, 9 Henry IV., quoted by Bain, IV., No. 769. 

* Bain — as above, IV., No. 739. 
^ Ibid., No. 777. 

' Ibid., No. 780. 

8 Rymer — Foed, viii., p. 635. 

' Ibid., p. 694. 
" Ibid., pp. 734, 735. 
'* Scottish Historical Review — April, 1906, pp. 313, 314. E-vidence gi'ven to 

Uni'versities Commission in 1826 and 1830, HI., pp. 171 sqq. 
1^ Scotichron., xvi., c. 30. 
13 Rymer — Foed, viii., pp. 735-7. 
1* Ibid., ix., p. 323. 

^ National MSS. of England, Part I., No. 36, quoted by Bain, IV., No. 822. 
" National MSS. of Scotland, Part II., No. 62. 
^'' The Kingis Quair — A Neiu Criticism, p. 93. 

18 I., pp. 346, 347. 

19 Rymer — Foed, ix. p. 2. 

20 Bain— ix.. No. 846. 

21 Rymer — Foed, ix., p. 44. 

^2 Scotichron., xv., c. 18 ; Wylie as above, II., p. 61. 

23 Wylie, as above ; Excerpta Historica, p. 144. 

^ Major — History of Greater Britain, p. 366. (Scot. Historical Soc. ed.) 

26 Bain— IV., No. 852. 

26 Scotichron., xv., c. 22. 

2' Excerpta Historica, p. 145. 

28 Charles, born May 26, 1391, was three years James's senior. He was 

prisoner at Windsor in 1416. (D'H^ricault's Pref to Poems of Charles 
d'Orlians, pp. xi, xxvii.) 

29 Rymer — Foed, ix., p. 307. 

30 Ibid., p. 323. 31 Ibid., p. 341. 
32 Ibid., p. 41. 33 Ibid. 

34 The original document is in the Historical Department of the Register 

House, Edinburgh. 

35 Sir William Fraser — Red Book of Menteith, I., pp. 283, 284. Fraser is of 

opinion that the letters were brought to Scotland in February, 141 6, by 
John Lyon, the King's chaplain. Lyon went to England in May, 1412, 
" on a safe-conduct which was to continue until the King's liberation 5 
and on January 20, 141 6, he received a safe-conduct from Henry V. to 
proceed to Scotland, and the letters bear date 30 January." 


^ Red Book ofMenteith, as above. 

^^ The reading in the MS. of letters is as like " Abbe " as " Awe." 

38 Vol. 11., p. 221. 

3' Rymer — Foed, ix., 591. 

w Bain— IV., Nos. 886, 892, 895. 

" Ibid., No. 898. 

12 Ibid. 

*3 Vickers — Life of Humphrey, Duke af Gloucester, p. 98. 

" Boece, Bk. xvi., p. 344 ; Bellenden — Croniklis, Bk. xvi., c. 19. 

*^ Ramsay's Lancaster and York, I., p. 286. 

*8 Chronicle of William Gregory, Skinner, p. 139. 

*' Scotichron, 11., p. 461. 

*8 Rymer — Foed, x., p. 123 ; Bain — IV., No. 905. 

*^ Rymer — Foed, x., p. 125. 

60 Ibid., pp. 153, 154. 

" Bain— IV., No. 911. 

52 William Druramond of Hawthornden — History andLi'ves of the Five Jameses 

Kings of Scotland, p. 16. 
63 Bain., No. 918. 
** Hardyng's Chronicle, p. 387. 
68 Stevenson — Letters, Rolls Series, I., p. 390. 
66 i?o?. i'ro?., 11., p. 234. 
^^ Rymer — Foed, x., p. 286. 

68 Ibid., p. 290. 

69 Ibid., p. 293. 
6» Ibid., p. 294. 

^1 Stevenson — Letters and Papers, II., p. 444. 

«a E. R. IV., 79. 

63 Rymer — Foed, x., pp. 298-9. 

6* Ibid., p. 298. 

66 Bain — IV., Nos. 939, 934. 

66 Rot. Scot., II., p. 246 ; Rymer — Foed, x., p. 322. 

6'' Gregory's Chronicle, as above, p. 157. 

68 Rymer — Foed, x., p. 323. 

69 Ibid., pp. 332-3 ; Bain — IV., No. 949. 
'6 Ibid., p. 343. 

'1 Ibid. 


^ This section throughout is based upon the Scotichronicon and Acts of Parlia- 
ment of Scotland, vol. ii., pp. 1-24. Tytler's account of the reign of James, 
recent excellent Histories notwithstanding, is still the most detailed record 
of the period. 

2 Scotich., II., p. 466. 

3 Ibid., p. 467. *■ Ibid., p. 511. 
6 Rymer, x. 

6 Maitland Club — Life and Death of King James the First of Scotland, pp. 47 

'■ Ibid., p. 28. 

8 See above Introd. I (ii.), note 36. 

Red Book ofMenteith, I., p. 291 ; II., pp. 293 sqq. 
w Maitland Club — Dethe of the Kynge ofScotis, p. 50. 
^* Bellenden's translation, xvi., c. 17. 
12 Scottish Historical Re'vie<w, April, 1906. '3 ibid. 


1* MS. of copy of Charters in St. Andrews Univ. Library, printed in E'vidence 

before Uni'V. Commission, as above. 
i«» Ibid. 

iBb MS. copy of Statutes of Faculty of Theology. 
^^•^ Scot. Hist. Re-view, April, 1906 ; MS. Minutes of Faculty of Arts. 
'* Rymer, x., p. 410. 
i' Ibid., p. 482. 

18 Ibid., p. 486. 

19 Scotich., II., 499. 

20 Hist, of Scotland, III., p. 242. 
^i Scotich., II., p. 506. 

22 R. S. Rait — Outlines of Relation between England and Scotland, p. 1 14. 
^^ Chronicon, p. 15. 
2* Tytler, III., p. 254. 

25 Act. Pari. Scot., II., p. 14. 

26 Theiner — Monumenta, pp. 373-375. 

^i' Raynald — Annal Eccl., ix., year 1436, xxx. 

28 Romance of a King's Life, pp. 51-55. 

29 Diet. Nat. Biog., Art. James I. of Scotland. 
39 Raynald, as above, xxxii. 

2 * Boo^ of Pluscarden, I., p. 5. 

31 Romance of a King's Life, pp. 62 sqq. 

32 This has been denied by Riddell — Inquiry into Peerage and Consistorial Laiu, 

p. 262. But Riddell misinterprets various entries in the Exchequer Rolls, 
vol. vi. James Stewart, brother of the King, is Queen Joan's son by her 
second husband. 

33 Chronicon, p. 29. 34 Ibid. 

35 See Appendix B — The several accounts of the murder of King James. 

36 Chronicon, p. 29. 


37 Scotich., II., pp. 504-511. 

38 Hist. Greater Brit., p. 366. (Scot. Hist. Soc. Ed.) 

39 Boece — xvi., c. 16, fol. cccliii., 11. 57, 58. Bellenden — xvi., c. 16. 
*9 Bale — Scrip. lUust. Catalog., Centuria decima quarta. No. Ivi. 

M* King James First as a royal author finds a place between Kenneth King of 

Scots and Henry VIII. (Bishop Montague's preface.) 
*i Hist. Eccl. Scot. Cent., II., p. 381. 
*2 Edition of 1578. It is the last poem in the volume. 
*3 The MS. is noted by Professor Skeat as Kk. I. 5, fol. 5. A facsimile is 

** See Introd., Section II. 


1 Authorship of Kingis Quair — Maclehose, 1896. 

2 K. Q. (S. T. S. Ed.), Introd., p. xxv. 

3 Facsimile National MSS. of Scotland, Part II., No. Ixii. 
* Authorship ofK. Q., as above, pp. 26, 27. 

5 Ibid., p. 30. 
« Ibid., p. 48. 
' Nine poets are mentioned. 


' History of Scotland, I., p. 219. 

' Page 23. 

"■" Camiridge History of English Literature — II., p. 24.3. 
•1 The Kingis Quair and the Neiu Criticism. (A. Brown and Co., Aberdeen, 

12 Scottish Vernacular Literature, pp. 95-102. 
1^ Athenaum, August 15, 1896. 
1* Revue Historigue, vol. Ixlv., pp. 1-49. 
15 R. S. H.—x., c. 57. 
'* See above — Introduction I. (iii.). 
'^ See K. Q., stanza clx., 1. i. 
18 Brus, xix., 663, in Edinburgh MS. ; also in Ed. MS., 656. Wyntoun, 

O. C, II., c. X., 917. 
1' See Appendix A. " Date of the capture of King James." 
^^ See above, note 1 1 . 
2' See above. Introduction I., iv. 
^^ Letters of King James in Red Book of Menteith. 
23 MS. folio 129. 

2* Mr. Sidney Lee in Art. Lydgate, Diet. Nat. Biog. 
25 Stanza Ixxxv., 1. 3. 
28 Poems I., p. 4 (D'H^ricault's edition). 

27 Ibid., pp. 13, 97, 104. 

28 Ibid., I., pp. 115, 143, 144, 151, 158, 162. 
23 Ibid., 62, 63, 76. 

3" Ibid., p. 157. 

31 Ibid., 163. 

32 Ibid., vol. ii., p. 83. 

33 Stanzas cxxiii., clxxxvi., cxcvii. 
3* Wyntoun, O. C, ix., c. 25. 

35 Maitland Club — Chron. Jac. Prim., p. 17. 


1 See note in loco. 

2 O. C, ix., c. 25. 

3 Pp. 59, 60. 

* K. Q., note on stanza cxcvii. 
5 K. Q., stanza ix. 
" Ibid., stanza Ixviii. 

^ See H. Wood in Anglia, III., pp. 223 sqq 
^ Stanzas xxxiii.-xxxvi., Ivii.-lxi. 
' Stanzas clxxvii. clxxix. 
1" Ovid, Metamorph. xi. 

11 Book of Duchess, 651-662. 

12 Ibid., 708 ; K. Q., Ixx. 

13 Parlement of Foules, 187-189 ; K. Q., st. cliii. ; P. P., 683 ; K. Q., St. xxxiv. 
1* H. P., III., 94 ; K. Q., St. Ixxvii. 

15 T. C, I., 837-840. 
18 Ibid., iv., 933-1078. 
" Ibid., I., 416. 
18 Ibid., II., I sqq. 


w Ibid., III., 1 371. 
2» Ibid., I., 6 sqq. 

21 Ibid., II., 1 196. 

22 Ibid., III., 159-161 ; K. Q., St. cxliii. 
^3 Ibid., I., 547 ; K. Q., St. xxxi., Ixxi., i. 
2* K. T., 1030-1332. 

26 C. T.— B. 194 ; ^. Q., cxcvi. 

26 C. T.— A. 1238 ; C. T.— B. 3330 a.nApassim. 

27 N. P. T. 

28 C. T.— A. 3713-4 i D. 224Z ; G. 782. 

29 C. T.— B. 3914. 

3" C. T.— B. 3685-8 ; K. g., St. iii. vii. 

81 T. C, I., 778 sqq. ; II., 771 sqq. ; V., 232-243. 

82 Introd. to T. G., cxxxi.-cxxxiii. 
^ Temple ofGlas, 1-16. 

8* Ibid., 143 sqq. 
36 Ibid., 958-960. 

88 Ibid., 503 sqq. 

^ Ibid., 271; Ar.p.,1.,4. 

38 Ibid., 112, 445 i K. Q., xcv., I. 

89 Ibid., 603-4 j ^- &•> cxxxv. 
^f Ibid., 962-3 ; K. Q., xiii., 3. 
*i Ibid., 1393. 

*2 See below. 

^8 F. C., 50-56 ; X^ p., sts. xxvii., xxxviii., xxxix. 

" R. and S., 1392 ; K. Q., clx. 

*6 Ibid., 1571-3 ; K. Q., xcvii. 

<8 Bk. I., 699-718. 

*7 K. Q., xxvi. 

** Ibid., cxcvi. 

*9 ^. g>., vi., xvi., xxvi. 

60 I,.Z.., 318-334. 

61 K.Q., iii. 

62 Ibid., vii., 2-4. 

68 Laing says Glasgow, but in the St. Andrews Roll, under year 147 1, there is 

the entry — Jas: Auchlek, pauper. 
** Bannatyne Club Miscell., ii., 161-2. 
66 K. Q., xiv. ; Q. J., 191. 
66 Small's Ed., i., 12. 
^'' K. Q., clxiii.-clxv. 

68 Ibid. 

69 K. Q., i., 4. 

*" Ibid., xlviii., 5. 

61 Ibid., Ivii., 6. 

«2 Dunbar's Poems, i., 10. (S. T. S. Ed.) 

63 Ibid. 

6* Small's Ed., ii., 17, 18. 

66 Ibid., ii., 171. 

66 r. and C. of the Papyngo, 431-2, Laing's Ed., i., 77. 

«7 Ibid., 76. 

68 Ibid., 57. 

69 Ibid., p. 17, line 411. 
'» Ibid., 3. 

'i Ibid., p. 16. 


''^ Ibid., 189 ; Squyer Meldrum, 94.8-9. 

^* Ibid., 215 ; Testament of Squyer Meldrum, 1721-2. 

" K. Q., Ixxxix. 



* Conf. Amant., i., 2032 ; vii., 813. 
2 C. T., E. 828. 

•* viii., 211 ; XV., 271. 

* ii., 208 ; iii., 952, in the form " nobillay." 





"LTEIGH in the hevynnis figure circulere 

The rody sterres twynklyng as the fyre, 
And, in Aquary, Cynthia the clere 

Rynsid hit tressis like the goldin wyre, 
That lyte tofore, in fair and fresche atyre, 
Through Capricorn heved hir hornis bright, 
And north-north-west approchit the myd-nyght ; 


Quhen as I lay in bed allone, waking. 
New partit out of slepe a lyte tofore, 

Fell me to mynd of many diuerse thing, 

OfF this and that ; can I noght say quharfore, 
Bot slepe for craft in erth myght I no more ; 

For quhich as tho coude I no better wyle, 

Bot toke a boke to rede apon a quhile : 


OfF quhich the name is clepit properly 

Boece, eftere him that was the compiloure, 

Schewing gude counsele of philosophye, 
Compilit by that noble senatoure 
OfF Rome, quhilom that was the warldis floure, 

And from estate by fortune so a quhile 

Foriugit was to pouert in exile : 

I. 2. Suggested reading " twinklyn," S. (tvsfynklyt.) 
I. 7. north-northgward, S. in note. 
III. 3. the counsele, S. III. 6. estate, S. for a quhile, W. 




' «»»i^^ .^» -.Wln^l- 1* -fir***- 'Irt^ 

>»^'k,;u»j- rtK^cJc-^ t^^«d^. 

S^i^^l/fL ^Jjly^f, ^««./pM.^S 








To f nee p. 3 



Heigh In the hevynnis figure circulere 
The rody sterres twynklyng as the fyre 
And In Aquary Citherea the clere 
Rynsid hir tressis like the goldin wyre 
That late tofore in fair and fresche atyre 
Through Capricorn heved hir hornis bright 
North northward approchit the myd nyght 

Quhen as I lay In bed allone waking 
New partit out of slepe alyte tofore 
Fell me to mynd of many diu^rs^ thing 
Off this and that can I noght say quhar^for^ 
Bot slepe for craft in erth myght I no more 
For quhich as tho coude I no better wyle 
Bot toke a boke to rede apon a quhile 

Off quhich the name Is clepit properly 
Boece/'cfter^ him ]>at was the compiloure 
Schewing counsele of philosophye 
Compilit by that noble senatoure 
Off rome/"quhilom 1j>at was the warldis floure 
And from estate by fortune a quhile 
Foriugit was to pou^rt/ in exile 



And there to here this worthy lord and clerk. 

His metir suete, full of moralitee ; 
His flourit pen so fair he set a-werk, 

Discryving first of his prosperitee, 

And out of that his infelicitee ; 
And than how he, in his poleyt report, 
In philosophy can him to confort. 

For quhich though I in purpose, at my boke. 
To borowe a slepe at thilke tyme began, 

Or euer I stent, my best was more to loke 
Vpon the writing of this noble man, 
That in him-self the full recouer wan 

OfFhis infortune, pouert, and distresse, 

And in tham set his verray sekernesse. 


And so the vertew of his jouth before 
Was in his age the ground of his delytis : 

Fortune the bak him turnyt, and therefore 
He makith ioye and confort, that he quit is 
Off thir vnsekir warldis appetitis ; 

And so aworth he takith his penance, 

And of his vertew maid it suffisance : 


With mony a noble resoun, as him likit, 
Enditing in his fSire Latyne tong, 

So full of fruyte, and rethorikly pykit, 
Quhich to declare my scele is ouer jong ; 
Therefore I lat him pas, and, in my tong, 

Procede I will agayn to the sentence 

Off my mater, and leue all incidence. 

IV. 2. moralitee! W. V. i. Though, S. 

VI. 5. thir, S. VII. 2. faire, S. 

VII. 5. song (?). 


And there to here this worthy lord and clerk 
His metir suete full of moralitee 
His flourit pen so fair he set awerk 
Discryving first of his prosperitee 
And out of that his infelicitee 
And than how he in his poetly report 
In philosophy can him to confort 

For quhich tho^^t I in purpose at my boke 
To borowe a slepe at thilke tyme began 
Or euer I stent my best was more to loke 
Vpon the writing of this noble man 
That in him self the full recouer wan 
Off his infortune pouerti and distress^ 
And in tham set his verray sek^rness^ 

And so the vertew of his 3outh before 
Was In his age the ground of his delytis 
Fortune the bak him t«rnyt. and therefore 
He makith loye and confort pat he quitis 
Off theirs vnsekir warldis appetitis 
And so aworth he takith his penance 
And of his vertew maid It sufKsance 

With mony a noble resoaw as him likit 
Enditing in his fair^ latyne tong 
So full of fruyte and rethorly pykit 
Quhich to declare my scole is ou^r jong 
Therefore I lat him pas and in my tong 
Precede I will agayn to my sentence 
Off my mater/*and leue all Incidence 

(5) i in pouerti by later hand. 



The longe nyght beholding, as I saide, 
Myn eyen gan to smert for studying ; 

My buke I schet, and at my hede it laide ; 
And doune I lay but ony tarying, 
This matere new into my mynd rolling ; 

This is to seyne, how that in eche estate, 

As Fortune lykith, thame sche will translate. 


For sothe it is, that, on hir tolter quhele, 
Euery wight cleuerith into his stage. 

And failyng foting oft, quhen hir lest, rele 
Sum vp, sum doune ; is non estate nor age 
Ensured, more the prynce noght than the page : 

So vncouthly hir werdes sche deuidith, 

Namly in jouth, that seildin ought prouidith. 


Among thir thoughtis rolling to and fro, 
Fell me to mynd of my fortune and vre. 

In tender jouth how sche was first my fo. 
And eft my frende, and how I gat recure 
OiF my distresse, and all myn auenture 

I gan oure-hayle ; that langer slepe ne rest 

Ne myght I nat, so were my wittis wrest. 


For-wakit and for-walowit, thus musing, 
Wery, forlyin, I lestnyt ; sodaynlye 

And sone I herd the bell to matynnis ryng. 
And vp I rase, no langer wald I lye : 
Bot now, how trowe je ? suich a fantasye 

Fell me to mynd, that ay me-thoght the bell 

Said to me, " Tell on, man, quhat the befell." 

VIII. I. The longg, S. VIII. z. eygn, S. 

VIII. 4. bot, S. VIII. 5. newe, S. 

VIII. 6. seyne, S. seyen, W. VIII. 7. oft, S. 

IX. 3, 4. lest rele, Sum vp, sum doune, S. ; punctuation in text, W. W. 

IX. 5. prynce, S. Rogkt, W. W. 



The long nyght beholding as I saide 
Myn eyne gan to smert for studying 
My buke I schet/*and at my hede It laide 
And doun I lay but ony tarying 
This maters new In my mynd rolling 
This is to seyne how J>at eche estate 
As fortune lykith/thame will translate 

For sothe It is ]>at on hir tolt^r quhele 
Eu^ry wight cleu«rith In his stage 
And failyng foting oft quhen hir lest rele 
Sum vp/*sum doun • Is non estate nor age 
Ensured more the prynce than the page 
So vncouthly hir werdes sche deuidith 
Namly In ^outh • that seildin ought prouidith 


Among thir thoughtis rolling to and fro 
Fell me to mynd of my fortune and vre 
In tender 30uth how sche was first my fo 
And eft my frende/'and how I gat recure 
Off my distresse and all myn auewture 
I gan oure ha.j\e/lj>at \a.nger slepe ne rest 
Ne myght I nat/'so were my wittis wrest 

For wakit and forwalowit thus musing 
Wery forlyin I lestnyt sodaynlye 
And sone I herd the bell to matyns ryng 
And vp I rase no linger wald I lye 
Bot now how trowe 36 suich a fantasye 
Fell me to mynd/-|>at ay me thoght the bell 
Said to me/*tell on man quhat the befell 



Thoght I tho to my-self, " Quhat may this be ? 
This is myn awin ymagynacioun ; 

It is no lyf that spekis vnto me ; 
It is a bell, or that impressioun 
OiFmy thoght causith this illusioun, 

That dooth me think so nycely in this wise ;" 

And so befell as I schall 30U deuise. 


Determyt furth therewith in myn entent, 
Sen I thus haue ymagynit of this soune, 

And in my tyme more ink and paper spent 
To lyte effect, I tuke conclusioun 
Sum new thing for to write ; I set me doun. 

And furth-with-all my pen in hand I tuke, 

And maid a «J-, and thus begouth my buke. 


'"PHOU tendir jouth, of nature indegest, 
Vnrypit fruyte with windis variable. 
Like to the bird that fed is on the nest, 

And can noght flee, of wit wayke and vnstable. 
To fortune both and to infortune hable, 
Wist thou thy payne to cum and thy trauaille. 
For sorow and drede wele myght thou wepe and 


Thus stant thy confort in vnsekernesse, 
And wantis it that suld the reule and gye : 

Ryght as the schip that sailith sterfiles 
Vpon the rokkis most to harmes hye, 
For lak of it that suld bene hir supplye ; 

So standis thou here into this warldis rage. 

And wantis that suld gyde all thy viage. 

XIII. 5. newe, S. XIV. i. Thou sely, S. 

XV. 4. rokkis, S. (most so to.) 



Thqg-^t I tho to my self quhat may this be 

This is myn awin ymagynacio«« 

It is no lyf ]>at spekis vnto me 

It is a bell or that impressio«n 

OfF my tho^/it/'causith this Illusioan 

That dooth me think so nycely in this wise 

And so befell as I shall 30U devise 

Determyt furth therewith in myn entent 
Sen I thus haue ymagynit of this soun 
And in my tyme more Ink and paper spent 
To lyte effect I tuke conclusioan 
Sum new thing to write I set me doun 
And furthwit/i all my pen In hand I tuke 
And maid a ►j./'and thus begouth my buke 

Though 3outh of nature Indegest 
Vnrypit fruyte with windis variable 
Like to the bird that fed is on the nest 
And can noght flee/-of wit wayke and vnstable 
To fortune both and to infortune hable 
Wist thou thy payne tocum/and thy trauaille 
For sorow and drede wele myght thou wepe and 


Thus stant thy confort In vnsekernesse 
And wantis It fat suld the reule and gyei 
Kyght as the schip J»at sailith stereles 
Vpon the rok most to harmes hye 
For lak of It ];at suld bene hir supplye 
So standis thou here In this warldis rage 
And wantis ]>at suld gyde all thy viage 



I mene this by my-self, as in partye ; 

Though nature gave me sufKsance in 5outh, 

The rypenesse of resoun lakkit I, 

To gouerne vi^ith my vvrill ; so lyte I couth, 
Quhen stereles to trauaile I begouth, 

Amang the waw^is of this w^arld to driue ; 

And howf the case, anon I will discriue. 


With doutfull hert, amang the rokkis blake. 
My feble bote full fast to stere and rowe, 

Helples, allone, the wynter nyght I wake. 

To wayte the wynd that furthward suld me throwe. 
O empti saile ! quhare is the wynd suld blowe 

Me to the port, quhar gynneth all my game ? 

Help, Calyope, and wynd, in Marye name ! 


The rokkis clepe I the prolixitee 

OfF doubilnesse that doith my wittis pall : 

The lak of wynd is the deficultee 
In diting of this lytill trety small : 
The bote I clepe the mater hole of all, 

My wit also the saile that now I wynd 

To seke connyng, though I bot lytill fynd. 


At my begynnyng first I clepe and call 

To 30W, Cleo, and to 30W, Polymye, 
With Thesiphone, goddis and sistris all, 

In nowmer ix., as bokis specifye ; 

In this processe my wilsum wittis gye ; 
And with your bryght lanternis wele conuoye 
My pen, to write my turment and my ioye ! 

XVI. 3. jit lakit, S. rypenesse of resoun laked I. W. 



I mene this by my self as In partye 
Though nature gave me sufBsance In 3outh 
The rypeness^ of resoK« lak I 
To gouerne with my will/"so lyte I couth 
Quhen stereles to trauaile I begouth 
Amang the wawis of this warld to driue 
And how the cas^/anon I will discriue 

With doutfull hert amang the rokk/j blake 
My feble bote full fast to stere and rowe 
Helples allone/the wynt^r njght I wake 
To wayte the wynd ^at furthward suld me throwe 
O empti saile quhare is the wynd suld blowe 
Me to the port/quhar^ gyn«eth all my game 
Help Calyope and wynd in Marye name 


The rokkis clepe I the prolixitee 

OfF doubilnesse : jjat doith my wittis pall 

The lak of wynd is the deficultee 

In enditing of this lytill trety small 

The bote I clepe the mat^r hole of all 

My wit vnto the saile \at now I wynd 

To seke connjngj' though I bot lytill iynd 

■At my begynnyng first I clepe and call 
To 30W Cleo and to 30W polymye 
'Wkh Thesiphone goddis and sistris all 
In nowm^r ix'/as hdkis specifye 
In this process^ my wilsum' wittis gye 
And with ^our hryght lant^rnis wele convoye 
My pen • to write my twrment and my loye 



In vere that full of vertu is and gude, 

Quhen Nature first begynneth hir enprise, 

That quhilum was be cruell frost and flude 
And schouris scharp opprest in many wyse, 
And Cynthius begynneth to aryse 

Heigh in the est, a morow soft and suete, 

Vpward his course to driue in Ariete : 

Passit mydday bot foilre greis evin, 

Off lenth and brede his angel wingis bryght 

He spred vpon the ground doune fro the hevin ; 
That, for gladnesse and confort of the sight. 
And with the tiklyng of his hete and light, 

The tender flouris opnyt thame and sprad. 

And, in thaire nature, thankit him forglad. 


Noght fer passit the state of innocence, 
Bot nere about the nowmer of jeris thre ; 

Were it causit throu hevinly influence 
Off goddis will, or othir casualtee, 
Can I noght say, bot out of my contree. 

By thaire avise that had of me the cure. 

Be see to pas, tuke I myn auenture. 


Puruait of all that was vs necessarye. 

With wynd at will, vp airly by the morowe, 

Streight vnto schip, no longere wold we tarye. 
The way we tuke, the tyme I tald to-forowe ; 
With mony " fare wele " and " Sanct lohne to 
borowe " 

Off falowe and frende ; and thus with one assent 

We puUit vp saile, and furth oure wayis went. 

XX. 5. be, S. 6, 7. point suete, Ariete, W. 
XXI. I. foure, S. (mydway). 



In ver^ 'pat full of vertu is/ "and gude 
Quhen nature first begynneth hir enpr/s« 
That quhilum was be cruell frost and flude 
And schour/j- scharp opprest In many vryse 
And Sjrnthiwx gynneth. to aryse 
Heigh in the est a morow soft and suete 
Vpward his coursfr to driue In ariete 


Passit hot mydday foure greis evin 

Off lenth and brede his angel wingis bry^At 

He spred vpon the ground doun fro the hevin 

That for gladness^ and '' fr ese hongG w of the sight '' /// confort 

And with the tiklyng of his hete and light 

The tender flourzV opnyt thame and sprad 

And in thair^ nature thankit him for glad 


Noght fer passit the state of Innocence 
Bot nere about the nowm^r of jerw thre 
Were It causit throu hevinly Influence 
Off goddis will/or othir casualtee 
Can I no^At say/"bot out of my contree 
By thair^ avis^ ]>at had of me the cure 
Be see to pas/'tuke I myn au^rature 

Puruait of all ]>at was vs necessarye 
With wynd at will vp airly by the morowe 
Streight vnto schip no longer^ wald we tarye 
The way we tuke the tyme I tald toforowe 9 

With mony farewele and sanct lohne to borowe 
Off falowe and frende/"and thus with one assent 
We puUit vp saile/and furth our^ wayis went 



Vpon the wawis weltering to and fro, 
So infortunate was vs that fremyt day, 

That maugre, playnly, quhethir we wold or no, 
With strong hand and by forse, schortly to say. 
Off inymyis takin and led away 

We weren all, and broght in thaire contree ; 

Fortune it schupe non othir wayis to be, 


Quhare as in strayte ward and in strong prisoun, 
So ferforth of my lyf the heuy lyne, 

Without confort, in sorowe abandoune. 
The secund sistere lukit hath to twyne, 
Nere by the space of jeris twifis nyne ; 

Till lupiter his merci list aduert, 

And send confort in relesche of my smert. 


Quhare as in ward full oft I wold bewaille 
My dedely lyf, full of peyne and penance, 

Saing ryght thus, " Quhat haue I gilt to faille 
My fredome in this warld and my plesance ? 
Sen euery wight has thereof sufEsance, 

That I behold, and I a creature 

Put from all this — hard is myn auenture ! 


The bird, the beste, the fisch eke in the see. 
They lyve in fredome euerich in his kynd ; 

And I am man, and lakkith libertee ; 

Quhat schall I seyne, quhat resoun may I fynd, 
That Fortune suld do so ?" Thus in my mynd 

My folk I wold argewe, bot all for noght ; 

Was non that myght, that on my peynes rought. 

XXIV. 4. as by forse, S. schortely, or for to say, W. 
XXV. 5. twies, S. 



Vpon the wawis welt^^-ing to and fro 

So infortunate was vs that fremyt day 

That maugre playnly quhethir we wold or no 

With strong hand by fors? schortly to say 

Off Inymyis takin and led away 

We weren all • and bro^^t in thair^ contree 

Fortune It schupe non othir wayis to be 

Quhare as In strayte ward and in strong prhoun 
So ferforth of my lyf the heuy lyne 
Without confort in sorowe abandoun 
The secund sistere lukit hath to twyne 
Nere by the space of jerw twise nyne 
Till lupit^r his m^rci list aduert 
And send confort in relesche of my smert 


Quhare as In ward full oft I wold bewaille 
My dedely lyf full of peyne and penance 
Saing ryght thus/*quhat haue I gilt to faille 
My fredome in this warld and my plesance 
Sen euerj wyght has thereof suffisance 
That I behold/*and I a creature 
Put from all this • hard is my« auifwture 

The bird the beste the fisch eke In the see 
They lyve in fredome eu^rich In his kynd 
And I a man and lakkith libertee 
Quhat schall I seyne/'quhat reso«« may I fynd 
That fortune suld do so/'th«j^ in my mynd 
My folk I wold argewe/-bot all for no^^t 
Was non ]>at mjghtj-yat on my peynes rought 



Than wold I say, " Gif God me had deuisit 
To lyve my lyf in thraldome thus and pyne, 

Quhat was the cause that he me more comprisit 
Than othir folk to lyve in suich ruyne ? 
I suffer allone amang the figuris nyne, 

Ane wofuU wrecche that to no wight may spede, 

And jit of euery lyvis help hath nede." 


The longe dayfis and the nyghtis eke 
I wold bewaille my fortune in this wise, 

For quhich, agane distresse confort to seke. 
My custum was on mornis for to ryse 
Airly as day ; O happy excercise ! 

By the come I to ioye out of turment. 

Bot now to purpose of my first entent : — 


Bewailing in my chamber thus allone, 
Despeired of all ioye and remedye, 

For-tirit of my thoght, and wo-begone, 
Unto the wyndow gan I walk in hye, 
To se the warld and folk that went forby. 

As for the tyme, though I of mirthis fude 

Myght haue no more, to luke it did me gude. 


Now was there maid fast by the touris wall 
A gardyn faire, and in the corneris set 

Ane herbere grene, with wandis long and small 
Railit about ; and so with treis set 
Was all the place, and hawthorn hegis knet. 

That lyf was non y-walking there forby. 

That myght within scarse ony wight aspye. 

XXVIII. 3. me, S. XXIX. i. longe, S. 

XXXI. 3. grene. With etc., W. 6. y-walking, S. in Introduction to 
K, ^., p. xxxiii, walkinge, W. 



Than wold I say gif god me had deuisit 

To lyve my lyf in thraldome thus/and pyne 

Quhat was the caus^ 'pat he more comprisit 

Than othir folk/to lyve in suich ruyne 

I suflFer allone amang the figuru nyne 

Ane wofull wrecche pat to no wight may spede 

And jit of euery lyvis help in drod e* hath nede 

The long dayes and the nyghtis eke 
I wold bewaille my fortune in this wis? 
For quhich agane distress? confort to seke 
My custum was on mornis for to ryse 
Airly as day/"o happy exercis? 
By the come I to loye out of torment 
Bot now to purpose of my first entent 

Bewailing In my chamber thus allone 
Despeired of all loye and remedye 
For tirit of my ihoght/and wo begone 
And to the wyndow gan I walk In hye 
To se the warld and folk pat went forby 
As for the tyme/"though I of mirthis fude 
M.yght haue no more/- to luke It did me gude 

Now was there maid fast by the touris wall 
A gardyn fair? and in the corner/i set 
Ane herber? grene with wandis long and small 
Railit about/and so with treis set 
Was all the place/-and hawthorn hegis knet 
That lyf was non walking there forby 
That myght within scars? ony wight aspye 

• In drede is lightly stroked through. 



So thik the bewis and the leues grene 
Beschadit all the aleyes that there were, 

And myddis euery herbere myght be sene 
The scharpe greng suetg ienepere, 
Growing so faire with branchis here and there, 

That, as it semyt to a lyf without, 

The bewis spred the herbere all about ; 


And on the smalg grenfi twistis sat 
The lytill suete nyghtingale, and song 

So loud and clere the ympnis consecrat 
Off lufis vse, now soft, now lowd among, 
That all the gardyng and the wallis rong 

Ryght of thaire song, and, in the copill next, 

Off thaire suete armony, and lo the text : 



" Worschippeth, je that loueris bene, this May, 
For of your blisse the kalendis are begonne. 

And sing with vs, away. Winter, away ! 

Cum, Somer, cum, the suete sesoun and sonne ! 
Awake for schame ! that haue jour hevynnis wonne, 

And amorously lift vp jour hedis all, 

Thank Lufe that list 30U to his merci call." 


Quhen thai this song had song a lytill thrawe. 
Thai stent a quhile, and therewith vnaffraid. 

As I beheld and kest myn eyne a-lawe, 

From beugh to beugh thay hippit and thai plaid, 
And freschly in thaire birdis kynd arraid 

Thaire fetheris new, and fret thame in the sonne, 

And thankit Lufe, that had thaire makis wonne. 

XXXII. 4. scharpe, S. 

XXXIII. I. smalle, S. 2. (nightingales). 6. For on S. suggests of, but does 

not put o^in text. 

XXXIV. I. worschippeth, S. in Notes. XXXV. 7. (thai had, etc.). 



So thik the bowis and the leues grene 

Beschadit all the aleyes ]>at there were 

And myddis euery herber« myght be sene 

The scharp grene suete lenepere 

Growing so fair^ with branchis here and there 

That as It semyt to a lyf without 

The bewis spred the herber^ all about 

And on the small grene twistis sat 
The lytill suete nyghtingale a/z^ song 
So loud and clere the ympnis consecrat 
OfF lufis vs^/-now soft/-now lowd among 
That all the gardyng and the wallis rong 
^yght of thair^ song'and on the copill next 
Off thair^ suete armony and lo the text 

Worschippe ^e '^at loutris bene this may 
For of -pur bliss^ the kalendis ar begonne 
And sing with vs away winter away 
Cum som^r cum/'the suete sesou« and sonne 
Awake for schame ^at haue jowr hevywnis wonne 
And amorously lift vp 30«r hedis all 
Thank lufe \at list 30^ to his m^rci call 

Quhen thai this song had song a lytill thrawe 
Thai stent a quhile/"and therewztA vnaffraid 
As I beheld and kest my« eyne a lawe 
From beugh to beugh thay hippit z.nd thai plaid 
And freschly in thair« birdis kynd arraid 
Thair^ fether/V new/"and fret thame In the sonne 
And thankit lufe \at had thair^ mak/j wonne 



This was the plane ditee of thaire note, 
And there-with-all vnto my-self I thoght, 

" Quhat lyf is this, that makis birdis dote ? 

Quhat may this be, how cummyth it of ought ? 
Quhat nedith it to be so dere ybought ? 

It is nothing, trowe I, bot feynit chere. 

And that men list to counterfeten chere." 


Eft wald I think ; " O Lord, quhat may this be ? 

That Lufe is of so noble myght and kynde, 
Lufing his folk, and suich prosperitee 

Is it of him, as we in bukis fynd ? 

May he oure hertes setten and vnbynd ? 
Hath he vpon oure hertis suich maistrye ? 
Or is all this bot feynyt fantasye ? 


For gif he be of so grete excellence. 

That he of euery wight hath cure and charge, 

Quhat haue I gilt to him or doon offense. 
That I am thrall, and birdis gone at large, 
Sen him to serue he myght set my corage ? 

And gif he be noght so, than may I seyne, 

Quhat makis folk to iangill of him in veyne ? 


Can I noght elles fynd, bot gif that he 

Be lord, and as a god may lyue and regne. 

To bynd and louse, and maken thrallis free ? 
Than wold I pray his blisfull grace benigne. 
To hable me vnto his seruice digne, 

And euermore for to be one of tho 

Him trewly for to serue in wele and wo. 

XXXVII. s. (knetten). 7. Is all this ? W. 


This was the plane ditee of thair^ note 
And therewz't^all vnto my self I thoght 
Quhat lyf is th\sj]>at mak/j birdis dote 
Quhat may this be/"how cummyih It of ought 
Quhat nedith It tobe so dere ybought 
It is nothing trowe I-bot feynit chere 
And ]?at men list to count^rfeten chere 

Eft wald I think'o lord quhat may this be 
That lufe is of so noble myght and kynde 
Lufing his folk/and suich prosperitee 
Is It of him-as we in hukis fynd 
May he our^ hertis setten and vnbynd 
Hath he vpon oure hertis suich maistrye 
Or all this is bot feynit fantasye 


For gif he be of so grete excellence 
That he of eu^ry wight hath cure and charge 
Quhat haue I gilt to him/'or doon offense 
That I am thrall and birdis gone at large 
Sen him to s^rue he myght set my corage 
And gif he be noght so/'than may I seyne 
Quhat makis folk to langill of him In veyne 

Can I no^^t elles fynd bot gif ]>at he 
Be lord/and and as a god may lyue and regne 
To bynd and lous^ and maken thrallis free 
Than wald I pray his blisful grace benigne 
To hable me vnto his Si?ruice digne 
And eu^rmore for to be one of tho 
Him trewly for to s^rue In wele and wo 



And there-with kest I doune myn eye ageyne, 
Quhare as I sawe, walking vnder the toure, 

Full secretly, new cummyn hir to pleyne, 
The fairest and the freschest 3onge floure 
That euer I sawe, me-thoght, before that houre ; 

For quhich sodayn abate anon astert 

The blude of all my body to my hert. 


And though I stude abaisit tho a lyte. 
No wonder was ; for quhy, my wittis all 

Were so ouercome with plesance and delyte, 
Onely throu latting of myn eyen fall. 
That sudaynly my hert became hir thrall 

For euer, of free wyll ; for of manace 

There was no takyn in hir suetS face. 


And in my hede I drewe ryght hastily. 
And eft-sonSs I lent it forth ageyne. 

And sawe hir walk, that verray womanly, 

With no wight mo, bot onely wommen tueyne. 
Than gan I studye in my-self, and seyne : 

" A 1 suete, ar ^e a warldly creature, 

Or hevinly thing in liknesse of nature ? 


Or ar 3e god Cupidis owin princesse, 

And cummyn are to louse me out of band ? 

Or ar je verray Nature, the goddesse. 

That haue depayntit with jour hevinly hand 
This gardyn full of flouris, as they stand ? 

Quhat sail I think, allace ! quhat reuerence 

Sail I minister to jour excellence ? 

XL. 4. jonge, S. 
XLIII. 7. minister, S. 


And therewztA kest I doun mjn eye ageyne 
Quhare as I sawe walking vnd^r the toure 
Full secretly new cummyn hir to pleyne 
The fairest/or the freschest jong floure 
That euer I sawe/me thoght before that houre 
For quhich sodayn abate anon astert 
The blude of all my body to my hert 

And though I stude abaisit tho alyte 
No wonder was'for quhy my wittis all 
Were so ou^rcom with plesance and delyte 
Onely throw latting of myn eyen fall 
That sudaynly my hert became hir thrall 
For eu^r of free wyll for of manace 
There was no takyn in hir suete face 

And In my hede I drewe ryght hastily 
And eft sones I lent It forth ageyne 
And sawe hir walk that verray woma«ly 
With no wight mo"bot only wo»2men tueyne 
Than gan * gan I studye in my self and seyne 
A suete ar je a warldly creature 
Or hevinly thing in liknessi? of nature 

Or ar 36 god Cupidis owin pn'ncesse 
And cuffzmyn ar^ to lous^ me out of band 
Or ar je verray nature the goddess^ 
That haue depaynted with ^our hevinly hand 
This gardyn full of flourzj as thay stand 
Quhat sail I think allace quhat reu«rence 
Sail I minster to ^our excellence 

* Written and stroked through. 



Gif je a goddesse be, and that ^e like 
To do me payne, I may it noght astert ; 

Gif je be warldly wight, that dooth me sike, 
Quhy lest God mak 30U so, my derest hert. 
To do a sely prisoner thus smart, 

That lufis 30W all, and wote of noght bot wo ? 

And therefore, merci, suete ! sen it is so." 


Quhen I a lytill thrawe had maid my moon, 
Bewailling myn infortune and my chance, 

Vnknawin how or quhat was best to doon. 
So ferre I fallyng was into lufis dance, 
That sodeynly my wit, my contenance. 

My hert, my will, my nature, and my mynd. 

Was changit clene ryght in an-othir kynd. 


Off hir array the form gif I sail write 
Toward hir goldin haire and rich atyre, 

It fret-wise couchit was with perllis quhite 
And grete balas lemyng as the fyre. 
With mony ane emeraut and faire saphyre ; 

And on hir hede a chaplet fresch of hewe. 

Off plumys partit rede, and quhite, and blewe ; 


And full of quaking spangis bryght as gold, 
Forgit of schap like to the amorettis. 

So new, so fresch, so plesant to behold. 
The plumys eke like to the floure-ionettis. 
And othir of schap like to the violettis. 

And, aboue all this, there was, wele I wote, 

Beautee eneuch to mak a world to dote. 

XLV. 4. so ferre I fallyng was in, W. W. XLVI. 3. was, S. 

XLVII. I. quakinge, W. 5. schap like to the round crokettis, S. 


Gif 36 a goddesse be'and "pat 36 like 
To do me payne/'I may It noght astert 
Gif 3e be warldly wight ]>at dooth me sike 
Quhy lest god mak 30U so my derest hart 
To do a sely prisoner thus smert 
That lufis 30W all/'and wote of noght hot wo 
And therefore m^rci suete sen It is so 


Quhen I a lytill thrawe had maid my moon 
Bewailing myn infortune and my chance 
Vnknawin how/or quhat was best to doon 
So fer I fallyng Into lufis dance 
That sodeynly my wit/my contenance 
My hert my will'/my nature and my mynd 
Was changit clene ryght In an othir kynd 


OiF hir array the form gif I sail write 
Toward hir goldin hair^ and rich atyre 
In fret wis^ couchit with perllis quhite 
And grete balas lemyng as the fyre 
With mony ane emeraut and fair^ saphyre 
And on hir hede a chaplet fresch of hewe 
OfFplumys partit rede and quhite and blewe 


Full of quaking spangis bry^At as gold 
Forgit of schap like to the amorettzV 
So new so fresch so plesant to behold 
The plumys eke like to the flour*' lonettz'x 
And othir of schap like to the flours lonettu 
And aboue all this/-there was wele I wote 
Beautee eneuch to mak a world to dote 



About hir nek, quhite as the fyre amaille, 
A gudely cheyne of smale orfeuerye, 

Quhareby there hang a ruby, without faille, 
Lyke to ane hart y-schapin verily. 
That, as a sperk of lowe, so wantonely 

Semyt birnyng vpon hir quhyte throte ; 

Now gif there was gud partye, God it wote ! 


And for to walk that freschS Mayes morowe, 
An huke sche had vpon hir tissew quhite. 

That gudeliare had noght bene sene toforowe, 
As I suppose ; and girt sche was a lyte, 
Thus halflyng louse for haste ; lo I suich delyte 

It was to see hir 30uth in gudelihede, 

That for rudenes to speke thereof I drede. 

In hir was ^outh, beautee, with humble aport, 
Bountee, richesse, and wommanly facture, 

(God better wote than my pen can report) 
Wisedome, largesse, estate, and connyng sure. 
In euery poynt so guydit hir mesure 

In word, in dede, in schap, in contenance, 

That nature myght no more hir childe auance. 


Throw quhich anon I knew and vnderstude 
Wele that sche was a warldly creature. 

On quhom to rest myn ey6, so mich gude 
It did my wofull hert, I 30W assure, 
That it was to me ioye without mesure ; 

And, at the last, my luke vnto the hevin 

I threwe furthwith, and said thir versis sevin : 

XLVIII. i. (fyne). 4. herte, S. XLIX. 5. of suich delyte, S, in notes. 

L. 3, 4, 5. pointing as in W. W. ; S. points "report : sure In euery 
poynt . . . measure," 
LI, 3. (myn eye, so mekill gude.) 


About hir neck quhite as the fyre amaille 
A gudely cheyne of smale orfeuerye 
Quhar«by there hang a ruby wzt/iout faille 
Lyke to ane hert schapin verily 
That as a sperk of lowe so wantonly 
Semyt birnyng vpon hir quhyte throte 
Now gif there was gud p«rtye god It wote 

And for to walk that fresche mayes morowe 
An huke sche had vpon hir tissew quhite 
That gudeliar^ had noght bene sene toforowe 
As I suppos«/"and girt sche was alyte 
Thus halflyng lous^ for haste to suich delyte 
It was to see hir jouth In gudelihede 
That for rudenes to speke thereof I drede 

In hir was jouth beautee with humble aport 
Bountee richess« and womwanly facture 
God better wote than my pen can report 
Wisedome largesse estate and connyng sure 
In euery poynt/so guydit hir mesure 
In word in dede in schap in contenance 
That nature myght no more hir childe auance 

Throw quhich anon I knew and vnd^rstude 
Wele/"]?at sche was a warldly creature 
On quhom to rest mjn eye/-so mich gude 
It did my wofull hert/'I 30W assure 
That It was to me loye without mesure 
And at the last my luke vnto the hevin 
I threwe furthwith/-and said thir versis sevin 



" O Venus clere ! of goddis stellifyit ! 
To quhom I jelde homage and sacrifise, 

Fro this day forth 30ur grace be magnifyit, 
That me ressauit haue into suich wise, 
To lyve vnder jour law and do seruise ; 

Now help me furth, and for your merci lede 

My hert to rest, that deis nere for drede." 


Quhen I with gude entent this orisoun 
Thus endit had, I stynt a lytill stound ; 

And eft myn eye full pitously adoune 
I kest, behalding vnto hir lytill hound, 
That with his bellis playit on the ground ; 

Than wold I say, and sigh there-with a lyte, 

" A ! wele were him that now were in thy plyte !" 


An-othir quhile the lytill nyghtingale, 
That sat apon the twiggis, wold I chide. 

And say ryght thus, " Quhare are thy notis smale, 
That thou of loue has song this morowe-tyde ? 
Seis thou noght hire that sittis the besyde ? 

For Venus sake, the blisfull goddesse clere, 

Sing on agane, and mak my lady chere. 


And eke I pray, for all the paynes grete, 

That, for the loue of Proigne thy sister dere. 

Thou sufFerit quhilom, quhen thy brestis wete 
Were, with the teres of thyne eyfin clere. 
All bludy ronne ; that pitee was to here 

The crueltee of that vnknyghtly dede, 

Quhare was fro the bereft thy maidenhede, 

LII. 4. a wise, S. LIII. 4. to hir, S. Introd., p. xxxviii. 

LV. 7. (Quhan.) 



venus clere of goddis stellifyit 

To quhom I jelde homage and sacrifis^ 
Fro this day forth jowr grace be magnifyit 
That me ressauit haue in suich wise 
To lyve vnd^r 30«r law/*and do s^ruis? 
Now help me furth/-and for jowr m^rci lede 
My hert to rest/]>at dais nere for drede 

Quhen I with gude entent this orisouw 
Thus endit had/*I stynt a lytill stound 
And eft myn eye full pitously adoun 

1 kest/"behalding vnto hir lytill hound 
That with his bellis playit on the ground 
Than wold I say/'and sigh therewith a lyte 
A wele were him ]>at now were In thy plyte 

An othir quhile the lytill nyghtingale 
That sat apon the twiggis wold I chide 
And say ryght thus/'*quhare ar^ thy notis smale 
That thou of loue has song this morowe tyde 
Seis thou noght hire ^at sittis the besyde 
For \enus sake the blisfull goddesse clere 
Sing on agane/and mak my lady chere 

And eke I pray for all the paynes grete 
That for the loue of proigne thy sister dere 
Thou sufferit quhilom quhen thy brestis wete 
Were with the teres of thyne eyen clere 
All bludy ronne ]7«t pitee was to here 
The crueltee of that vnkny^^tly dede 
Quhare was fro the bereft thy maidenhede 

* This marking is very faint. 



Lift vp thyne hert, and sing with gude entent ; 

And in thy notis suete the tresoun telle, 
That to thy sister trewe and innocent 

Was kythit by hir husband false and fell ; 

For quhois gilt, as it is worthy wel, 
Chideth thir husbandis that are false, I say. 
And bid thame mend, in twenty deuil way. 


lytill wrecch, allace ! maist thou noght se 

Quho commyth 3ond ? Is it now tyme to wring ? 
Quhat sory thoght is fallin vpon the ? 

Opyn thy throte ; hastow no lest to sing ? 

Allace ! sen thou of resoun had felyng. 
Now, suete bird, say ones to me ' pepe ' : 

1 dee for wo ; me think thou gynnis slepe, 


Hastow no mynde of lufe ? Quhare is thy make ? 
Or artow seke, or smyt with ielousye ? 

Or is sche dede, or hath sche the forsake ? 
Quhat is the cause of thy malancolye. 
That thou no more list maken melodye ? 

Sluggart, for schame ! lo here thy goldin houre, 

That worth were hale all thy lyvis laboure ! 


Gyf thou suld sing wele euer in thy lyve. 
Here is, in fay, the tyme, and eke the space : 

Quhat wostow than ? sum bird may cum and stryve 
In song with the, the maistry to purchace. 
Suld thou than cesse, it were grete schame, allace ! 

And here to wyn gree happily for euer, 

Here is the tyme to syng, or ellis neuer." 

LVI. 7. a twenty deuil, S. in notes. LIX. 7, (Now is.) 



Lift vp thyne hert/"and sing with gude entent 
And in thy no* notis suete the treso«« telle 
That to thy sister trewe and Innocent 
Was kythit by hir husband fals^ and fell 
For quhois gilt/"as It is worthy wel 
Chide thir husbandis j^at are false I say 
And bid thame mend in the xx*J' deuil way 


lytill wrecch allace maist thou noght se 
Quho cowzmyth jond/'Is It now tymc to wring 
Quhat sory ihoght is fallin vpon the 

Opyn thy throte hastow no lest to sing 
Allace sen thou of resoa« had felyng 
Now suete bird say ones to me pepe 

1 dee for woj'me think thou gywnis slepe 


Hastow no mynde of lufe/'quhare is thy make 
Or artow seke/-or smyt with lelousye 
Or Is sche dede or hath sche the forsake 
Quhat is the caus^ of thy malancolye 
That thou no more list maken melodye 
Sluggart for schame lo here thy goldin hour^ 
That worth were hale all thy lyvis laboure 

Gyf thou suld sing wele eu^r in thy lyve 
Here is in fay the tyme and eke the space 
Quhat wostow than sum bird may cum and stryve 
In song with the/*the maistry to parchace 
Suld thou than cesse/-It were grete schame allace 
And here to wyn gree happily for eu^r 
Here is the tyme to syng/- or ellis neu^r 

* Written and stroked through. 



I thoght eke thus, gif I my handis clap, 
Or gif I cast, than will sche flee away ; 

And gif I hald my pes, than will sche nap ; 
And gif I crye, sche wate noght quhat I say : 
Thus, quhat is best, wate I noght be this day : 

Bot, blawe wynd, blawe, and do the leuis schake. 

That sum twig may wag, and mak hir to wake. 


With that anon ryght sche toke vp a sang 
Quhare come anon mo birdis and alight ; 

Bot than to here the mirth was thame amang ! 
Ouer that to, to see the suete sicht 
OfFhyr ymage ! my spirit was so light 

Me-thoght I flawe for ioye without arest, 

So were my wittis boundin all to fest. 


And to the notis of the philomene, 

Quhilkis sche sang, the ditee there I maid 

Direct to hire that was my hertis quene, 
Withoutin quhom no songis may me glade ; 
And to that sanct, walking into the schade. 

My bedis thus, with humble hert entere, 

Deuotely I said on this manere : 


" Quhen sail 3our merci rew vpon 30ur man, 
Quhois seruice is jit vncouth vnto 30U ? 

Sen, quhen je go, ther is noght ellis than. 

Bot, ' Hert ! quhere as the body may noght throu, 
Folow thy hevin ! Quho suld be glad bot thou 

That suich a gyde to folow has vndertake ? 

Were it throu hell, the way thou noght forsake !' " 

LX. 7. (Sum twig may wag, and mak hir to awake). 
LXI. I. sche, S. Pointing in 3, 4, 5, W. W. 
LXII. 5. there, S. 7. Deuotly than, S. (deuoitly). (Rycht deuotly). 



I thoght eke thus gif I my handis clap 
Or gif I cast/-than will sche flee away 
And gif I hald me pes/"than will sche nap 
And gif I crye/"sche wate noght quhat I say 
Thus quhat is best/wate I no^At be this day 
Bot blawe wynd blawe/and do the leuis schake 
That sum twig may wag/*and mak hir to wake 


With that anon rjght he toke vp a sang 
Quhare com anon mo birdis and alight 
Bot than to here the mirth was thawz amang 
Ouer that to/'to see the suete sicht 
Off hyr ymage/-my spirit was so light 
Me thoght I flawe for loye w/tAout arest 
So were my wittis boundin all to fest 


And to the notis of the philomene 
QuhilkzV sche sang/"the ditee there I maid 
Direct to hir« ^at was my hertis quene 
Withoutin quhom no songis may me glade 
And to that sanct walking in the schade 
My bedis thus with humble hert entere 
Deuotly I said on this manere 

Quhen sail joar m^rci rew vpon 30«r man 
Quhois s«ruice is 3it vncouth vnto 30W 
Sen quhen 3e go/'ihere is noght ellis than 
Bot hert quhere as the body may noght throu 
Folow thy hevin/-quho suld be glad/bot thou 
That suich a gyde to folow has vnd^rtake 
Were It throu hell the way thou noght forsake 




And efter this the birdis euerichone 

Tuke vp an-othir sang full loud and clere, 

And with a voce said, " Wele is vs begone, 
That with oure makis are togider here ; 
We proyne and play without dout and dangere, 

All clothit in a soyte full fresch and newe. 

In lufis seruice besy, glad, and trewe. 


And 3e, fresche May, ay mercifull to briddis, 
Now welcum be ^e, floure of monethis all ; 

For noght onely jour grace vpon vs byddis, 
Bot all the warld to witnes this we call. 
That strowit hath so playnly ouer all 

With news, freschg, suete and tender grene, 

Oure lyf, oure lust, oure gouernoure, oure quene." 


This was thair song, as semyt me full heye, 
With full mony vncouth suete note and schill. 

And therewith-all that faire vpward hir eye 
Wold cast amang, as it was Goddis will, 
Quhare I myght se, standing allane full still. 

The fair facture that nature, for maistrye. 

In hir visage wroght had full lufingly. 


And, quhen sche walkit had a lytill thrawe 

Vnder the suete grene bewis bent, 
Hir faire fresche face, as quhite as ony snawe, 

Scho turnyt has, and furth hir wayis went. 

Bot tho began myn axis and turment 
To sene hir part ; and folowe I na myght : 
Me-thoght the day was turnyt into nyght. 

LXV. 6. newe, S. LXVI. 2. (With mony uncouth suete.) 


And efter this the birdis eumchone 
Tuke vp an othir sang full loud and clere 
And witb a voce said wele is vs begone 
That with our^ makis ar togid^r here 
We proyne and play/*w/tAout dout and dangere 
All clothit in a soyte full fresche and newe 
In lufis s^ruice/besy glad and trewe 

And je fresche may ay m^rcifull to bridis 
Now welcum be je flours of monethis all 
For noghz onely joar grace vpon vs bydis 
Bot all the warld to witnes this we call 
That strowit hath so playnly ou^r all 
With new fresche suete and tender grene 
Oure lyf/oure lust/'oure gouemoxxre oure quene 


This was thair song as semyt me full heye 
With full mony vncouth suete note and schill 
And therew/tA all that faire vpward hir eye 
Wold cast amang/'as It was goddis will 
Quhare I tnyght se standing allane full still 
The faire facture yat nature for maistrye 
In hir visage wroght had full lufingly 

And quhen sche walkit had a lytill thrawe 
Ynder the suete grene bewis bent 
Hir faire fresche face as quhite as ony snawe 
Scho twniyt has/'and furth hir wayis went 
Bot tho began my« axis and turment 
To sene hir part/"and folowe I na myght 
Me tho^At the day was t«rnyt into nyght 



Than said I thus, " Quhare-vnto lyve I langer ? 

Wofullest wicht, and subject vnto peyne ! 
Of peyne ? no ! God wote, 3a : for thay no stranger 

May wirken ony wight, I dare wele seyne. 

How may this be, that deth and lyf, bothe tueyne. 
Sail bothe atonis in a creature 
Togidder duell, and turment thus nature ? 


I may noght ellis done bot wepe and waile, 
With-in thir caldg wallis thus i-lokin ; 

From hennesfurth my rest is my trauaile, 
My drye thrist with teris sail I slokin, 
And on my-self bene al my harmys wrokin : 

Thus bute is none ; bot Venus, of hir grace. 

Will schape remede, or do my spirit pace. 


As Tantalus I trauaile, ay but-les. 

That euer ylikg hailith at the well 
Water to draw with buket botemles. 

And may noght spede ; quhois penance is an hell : 

So be my-self this tale I may wele tell : 
For vnto hir that herith noght I pleyne ; 

Thus like to him my trauaile is in veyne." 


So sore thus sighit I with my-self allone, 
That turnyt is my strenth in febilnesse. 

My wele in wo, my frendis all in fone. 
My lyf in deth, my lyght into dirknesse, 
My hope in feere, in dout my sekirnesse, 

Sen sche is gone : and God mote hir conuoye, 

That me may gyde to turment and to ioye ! 

LXVIII. I. Quhare-unto, S. LXIX. i. calde, S. 3. hennesfurth, S. 



Than said I thus/*quhareto lyve I lang^r 

Wofullest wicht/and subiect vnto peyne 

Of peyne no god wote ja'for thay no stranger 

May wirken ony wight/I dar^ wele seyne 

How may this hej-ljiat deth and lyf bothe tueyne 

Sail bothe atonis in a creature 

Togidd^r duell and t«rment thus nature 

I may noght ellis done/bot wepe and waile 
Within thir cald wallis thus I lokin 
From hennsfurth my rest is my trauaile 
My drye thrist with teris sail I slokin 
And on my self bene all my harmys wrokin 
Thus bute is none/'bot venus of hir grace 
Will schape remede/"or do my spirit pace 

As Tantalus I trauaile ay but les 
That eu^r ylike hailith at the well 
Water to draw with buket botemles 
And may noght spede/quhois penance is an hell 
So by myself this tale I may wele telle 
For vnto hir ]7«t herith noght I pleyne 
Thus like to him my trauaile Is Inveyne 

So sore thus sighit I wzt^ my self allone 
That t«rnyt is my strenth In febilness^ 
My wele in wo/my frendis all in fone 
My lyf in deth/my lyght into derkness^ 
My hope in feer^/'in dout my sekirness^ 
Sen sche is gone/"and god mote hir conuoye 
That me may gyde to turment/and to loye 



The long day thus gan I to prye and poure, 
Till Phebus endit had his hemes bryght, 

And bad go farewele euery lef and floure, 
This is to say, approchen gan the nyght, 
And Esperus his lampis gan to light ; 

Quhen in the wyndow, still as any stone, 

I bade at lenth, and, kneling, maid my mone 


So lang till evin, for lak of myght and mynd, 

For-wepit and for-pleynit pitously. 
Ourset so sorow had bothe hert and mynd, 

That to the colde stone my hede on wrye 

I laid, and lent, amaisit verily. 
Half sleping and half suoun, in suich a wise : 
And quhat I met, I will jou now deuise. 


Me-thoght that thus all sodeynly a lyght 
In at the wyndow come quhare that I lent. 

Off quhich the chambere-wyndow schone full bryght. 
And all my body so it hath ouerwent. 
That of my sicht the vertew hale iblent ; 

And therewith-all a voce vnto me saide, 

" I bring confort and hele, be noght afFrayde." 


And furth anon it passit sodeynly, 

Quher^ it come in, the ryghtS way ageyne ; 

And sone, me-thoght, furth at the dure in hye 
I went my weye, nas nothing me ageyne. 
And hastily, by bothe the armes tueyne, 

I was araisit vp in-to the aire, 

Clippit in a cloude of cristall clere and faire, 

LXXII. I. longe, S. 2. (I-hid). 4. approchen, S. 7. mone. S. points thus. 
LXXIII. I, 2. evin, for lak etc. . . . pitously, S. points thus : pointing in 

text, W. W. 4. colde, S. 
LXXIV. 3. chambere (wallis). 5. it blent, W. 7. I bring confort, W. 

LXXV. 2. ryghte, S. 7. faire. S. ; faire, W. W. 


The long day thus gan I prye and pour« 
Till phebus endit had his hemes hryght 
And bad go farewele euery if* lef and floure 
This is to say/-approch gan the nyght 
And Esperus his lampis gan to light 
Quhen in the wyndow still as any stone 
I bade at lenth/"and kneling maid my mone 

So lang till evin for lak of myght and mynd 
Forwepit/and forpleynit pitously 
Ourset so/sorow had bothe hert and mynd 
That to the cold stone my hede on wrye 
I laid/'and lent amaisit verily 
Half sleping/and half suoun In suich a wis^ 
And quhat I met I will 30a now deuis« 

Me thoj'^t ]}at thus all sodeynly a ly^^t 
In at the wyndow come quhare 'pat I lent 
Off quhich the chambers wyndow schone full 

And all my body so It hath ou^rwent 
That of my sicht the v^rtew hale Iblent 
And that withall a voce vnto me saide 
I bring the confort and hele/be noght affrayde 

And furth anon It passit sodeynly 
Quher^ It come In'the ryght way ageyne 
And sone me thogfit furth at the dure in hye 
I went my weye/'nas nothing me ageyne 
And hastily by bothe the armes tueyne 
I was araisit vp in to the air^ 
Clippit in a cloude of cristall clere and fair^ 

* So written in MS. 



Ascending vpward ay fro spere to spere, 

Through aire and watere and the hote fyre, 

Till that I come vnto the circle clere 

Off Signifere, quhare faire, bryght, and schire, 
The signis schone ; and in the glade empire 

OfF blissfull Venus, quhar ane cryit " Now " 

So sudaynly, almost I wist noght how. 


Of quhich the palace, quhen I com there a-nye, 
Was all, me-thoght, of cristall stonis wroght, 

And to the port I liftit was in hye, 

Quhare sodaynly, as quho sais, at a thoght, 
It opnyt, and I was anon in broght 

Within a chamber, large, and rowm, and faire ; 

And there I fand of peple grete repaire. 


This is to seyne, that present in that place 
Me-thoght I sawe of euery nacioun 

Loueris that endit had thaire lyfis space 
In lovis seruice, mony a mylioun. 
Off quhois chancis maid is mencioun 

In diuerse bukis, quho thame list to se ; 

And therefore here thaire namys lat I be. 


The quhois auenture and grete labouris 
Aboue thaire hedis writin there I fand ; 

This is to seyne, martris and confessouris, 
Ech in his stage, and his make in his hand ; 
And therewith-all thir peple sawe I stand, 

W ith mony a solempnit contenance. 

After as Lufe thame lykit to auance. 

LXXVI. 6. quhar, S. — now, S. 
LXXVII. I. quhenas, S. place, W. 4. sais, W^. W. 
LXXVIII. 3. endit had, S. 
LXXIX. 6. solempnit, S. ; solempne, W. 


Ascending vpward ay fro spere to spere 
Through air^ and waters and the hote fyre 
Till ]>at I come vnto the circle clere 
OffSignifer^ quhare fair^ hryght and schire 
The signis schone/"and in the glade empire 
OflFblisfull ven«^/ane cryit now 
So sudaynly /almost I wist noght how 

Off quhich the place quhen I com there nye 
Was all'me tho^At/"of cristall stonis wroght 
And to the port I liftit was In hye 
Quhare sodaynly/-as quho sais at a tho^^t 
It opnyt/*and I was anon In hroght 
Within a chamber large rowm and fair^ 
And there I fand of peple grete repairs 

This is to seyne/"}7at present in that place 
Me thoght I sawe of eu^ry nacio«« 
Louerzi j)at endit thair^ lyfis space 
In lovis s^ruice/'mony a myliouw 
Off quhois chancw maid is me?zciou« 
In diu^rs^ buk/V quho thame list to se 
And ther^for^ here thair^ namys lat I be 

_ (79) 
The quhois auewtur^ and grete labour/i 
Aboue thair^ hedis writin there I fand 
This is to seyne martris and confessourij 
Ech in his stage and his make in his hand 
And ther^wMall/thir peple sawe I stand 
With mony a solempt contenance 
After as lufe thame lykit hid* to auance 

* A very faint attempted stroking out of Aati. 



OfFgudS folkis, that faire in lufe befill, 
There saw I sitt in order by thame one 

With hedis hore ; and with thame stude Gude-will 
To talk and play. And after that anon 
Besyde thame and next there saw I gone 

Curage, amang the freschS folkis jong, 

And with thame playit full merily and song. 


And in ane-othir stage, endlong the wall, 
There saw I stand, in capis wyde and lang, 

A full grete nowmer ; hot thaire hudis all. 
Wist I noght quhy, atoure their eySn hang ; 
And ay to thame come Repentance amang. 

And maid thame chere, degysit in his wede : 

And dounward efter that 3it I tuke hede. 


Ryght ouerthwert the chamber was there drawe 
A trevesse thin and quhite, all of plesance, 

The quhich behynde, standing, there I sawe 
A warld of folk, and by thaire contenance 
Thaire hertis semyt full of displesance, 

With billis in thaire handis, of one assent 

Vnto the iuge thaire playntis to present. 


And there-with-all apperit vnto me 

A voce, and said, " Tak hede, man, and behold : 
3ond there thou seis the hiest stage and gree 

OiF agit folk, with hedis hore and olde ; 

Bone were the folke that neuer change wold 
In lufe, bot trewly seruit him alway, 
In euery age, vnto thaire ending-day. 

LXXX. 5. Besydis,S. 
LXXXII. 3. behynde, W. W. ; y-standing, S. in Introd., p. xxxiii. 
LXXXIII. 3. Jonder thou seis, S. ; jond there, W. 5. change, S. 



Off gude folk/j T^at (aire In lufe befill 

There saw I sitt in ord^r by thame one 

With hedis hore/.and with thame stude gude will 

To talk and play/"and aft^r that anon 

Besyde thame/'and next there saw I gone 

Curage amang the fresche folk/j 3ong 

And with thame playit full merily and song 


And In ane othir stage endlong the wall 
There saw I stand in capis wyde and lang 
A full grete nowm^r/bot thair^ hudis all 
Wist I noght quhy/atour^ thair eyen hang 
And ay to thame come repentance amang 
And maid thame chere degysit in his wede 
And dounward eft«r that/'jit I tuke hede 


"R-jght ou^rthwert the chamber was there drawe 
A trevess^ thin and quhite all of plesance 
The quhich behynd standing there I sawe 
A warld of folk/"an^ by theire contenance 
Thair^ hertis semyt full of displesance 
W/t/i billis in thair^ handis of one assent 
Vnto the luge thair« playntis to present 

And therew/tAall/apperit vnto me 
A voce/"* and said tak hede man/a«^ behold 
Bonder there thou seis the hiest stage and gree 
Off agit folk with hedis hore and olde 
3one were the folke \at n&xer change wold 
In lufe bot trewly si?ruit him alway 
In eu^ry age vnto thair* ending day 

* Very faint. 



For fro the tyme that thai coud vnderstand 
The exercise, of lufis craft the cure, 

Was none on lyve that toke so moch on hand 
For lufis sake, nor langer did endure 
In lufis seruice ; for, man, I the assure, 

Quhen thay of jouth ressauit had the fill, 

3it in thaire age thame lakkit no gude will. 


Here bene also of suich as in counsailis 
And all thare dedis, were to Venus trewe ; 

Here bene the princis, faucht the grete batailis. 
In mynd of quhom ar maid the bukis newe, 
Here bene the poetis that the sciencis knewe, 

Throwout the warld, of lufe in thaire suete layes, 

Suich as Ouide and Omere in thaire dayes. 


And efter thame adown in the next stage. 
There as thou seis the jonge folkis pleye : 

Lo ! thise were thay that, in thaire myddill age, 
Seruandis were to Lufe in mony weye, 
And happinnit diuersely for to deye ; 

Sum soroufiiUy, for wanting of thare makis. 

And sum in armes for thaire ladyes sakis. 


And othir eke by othir diuerse chance. 

As happin folk all day, as je may se ; 
Sum for dispaire, without recouerance ; 

Sum for desyre, surmounting thaire degree ; 

Sum for dispite and othir inmytee ; 
Sum for vnkyndenes without a quhy, 
Sum for to moch, and sum for ielousye. 

LXXXVI. I. nexte, S. ; 2. jonge, S. LXXXVII. 2. (happinis). 


For fro the tyme J?«t thai coud vnd^rstand 
The exercise of lufis craft the cure 
Was non on lyve T^at toke so moch on hand 
For lufis sake/-nor lang^r did endure 
In lufis seruicelfoT man I the assure 
Quhen thay of jouth ressauit had the fill 
3it in thair^ age tham lakkit no gude will 

Here bene also of suich as In counsailis 
And all thar^ dedis were to venus trewe 
Here bene the princis faucht the grete batailis 
In mynd of quhom ar maid the buk;'s newe 
Here ben the poetis ]>at the sciencu knewe 
Throwout the warld'of lufe in thair^ suete layes 
Suich as Ouide and Omer^ in thair^ dayes 


And efter thame down In the next stage 
There as thou seis the jong folkis pleye 
lo this^ were thay fat in thair^ myddill age 
Seruandis were to lufe in mony weye 
And diu^rsi?ly happinnit for to deye 
Sum soroufully for wanting of thar« makzV 
And sum in armes for thair^ ladyes sak/j 

And othir eke by othir diu^rs^ chance 
As happin folk all day as je may se 
Sum for dispair^ without recou^rance 
Sum for desyre surmounting thair^ degree 
Sum for dispite/and othir Inmytee 
Sum for vnkyndenes -without a quhy 
Sum for to moch and sum for lelousye 



And efter this, vpon jone stage adoun, 
Tho that thou seis stond in capis wyde ; 

3one were quhilum folk of religioun, 

That from the warld thaire gouernance did hide, 
And frely seruit lufe on euery syde 

In secrete, with thaire bodyis and thaire gudis. 

And lo ! quhy so thai hingen doun thaire hudis : 


For though that thai were hardy at assay. 
And did him seruice quhilum priuely, 

3it to the warldis eye it semyt nay ; 

So was thaire seruice halflyng cowardy : 
And for thay first forsuke him opynly. 

And efter that thereof had repenting. 

For schame thaire hudis oure thaire eyne thay hyng. 

And seis thou now ^one multitude, on rawe 
Standing, behynd jone trauerse of delyte ? 
Sum bene of thame that haldin were full lawe, 
And take by frendis, nothing thay to wyte, 
In jouth from lufe into the cloistere quite ; 
And for that cause are cummyn, recounsilit. 
On thame to pleyne that so thame had begilit. 

And othir bene amongis thame also. 

That cummyn ar to court, on Lufe to pleyne. 
For he thaire bodyes had bestowit so, 

Quhare bothe thaire hertes gruchit ther-ageyne ; 

For quhich, in all thaire daySs, soth to seyne, 
Quhen othir lyvit in ioye and in plesance, 
Thaire lyf was noght bot care and repentance ; 

LXXXVIII. I. adoun, S. stage, W. 
LXXXIX. 4. halfdel, S. ; seruice, W. 

XCI. 4. gruchen, S. ; gruche, W. ; gruchit, E. T. 6. in, S. 



And eher this vpon 3one stage doun 

Tho ]>at thou seis stond in capis wyde 

Bone were quhilum folk of religioun 

That from the warld thair^ gou^rnance did hide 

And frely spruit lufe on enerj syde 

In secrete with thair^ bodyis and thair^ gudis 

And lo-quhy so/'thai hingen doun thair^ hudis 

For though J>at thai were hardy at assay 
And did him s^ruice quhilum prmely 
3 it to the warldis eye It semyt nay 
So was thair^ s^ruice half cowardy 
And for thay first forsake him opynly 
And eft^r that/"thereof had repenting 
For schame thair^ hudis our* thair^ eyne thay hyng 


And seis thou now jone multitude on rawe 
Standing behynd jone trauers^ of delyte 
Sum bene of tham ^at haldin were full lawe 
And tak by frendis/-nothing thay to wyte 
In 3outh from lufe Into the cloisters quite 
And for that caus^ ar^ cummyn recounsilit 
On thame to pleyne Ifat so tham had begilit 

And othir bene amongis thame also 
That cu»zmyn ar^ to court on lufe to pleyne 
For he thair« bodyes had bestowit so 
Quhare bothe thair^ hertes gruch theri? ageyne 
For quhich In all thair^ dayes soth to seyne 
Quhen othir lyvit In loye and plesance 
Thair^ lyf was noght bot care and repentance 



And quhare thaire hertis gevin were and set, 
Were coplit with othir that coud noght accord ; 

Thus were thai wrangit that did no forfet, 
Departing thame that neuer wold discord." 
Off jongg ladies faire and mony lord, 

That thus by maistry were fro thair chose dryve, 

Full redy were thaire playntis there to gyve. 


And othir also I sawe compleynyng there 

Vpon Fortune and hir grete variance, 
That, quhere in loue so wele they coplit were, 

With thaire suete makis coplit in plesance, 

So sodeynly maid thaire disseuerance, 
And tuke thame of this warldis companye, 
Withoutin cause, there was none othir quhy. 


And in a chiere of estate besyde. 

With wingis bright, all plumyt, bot his face, 

There sawe I sitt the blynde god Cupide, 
With bow in hand, that bent full redy was. 
And by him hang thre arowis in a cas, 

Off quhich the hedis grundyn were full ryght, 

Off diuerse metals forgit faire and bryght. 

And with the first, that hedit is of gold. 

He smytis soft, and that has esy cure ; 
The secund was of siluer, mony-fold 

Wers than the first, and harder auenture ; 

The thrid, of stele, is schot without recure ; 
And on his long and jalow lokkis schene 
A chaplet had he all of levis grene. 

XCII. 2. S. omits initial " Were." 4. discord," W. W. 5. ^onge, S. 
XCIII. 4. (iunyt). 5. Sche, S. ; So, W. W. 
XCIV. 3. blynde, S. XCV. 6. longe, S. 


And quhare thair^ hertis gev/w wewand set 
Were coplit with othir '^at coud noght accord 
Thus were thai wrangit \at did no forfet 
Departing thame ]7«t neu^r wold discord 
Off jong ladies fair^ and mony lord 
That thus by maistry were fro thair chos^ dryve 
Full redy were/thair^ playntis there to gyve 

And othir also I sawe compleyning there 
Vpon fortune and hir grete variance 
That quhere in loue so wele they coplit were 
'With thair^ suete makz'j coplit in plesance 
So sodeynly maid thair^ disseu^rance 
And tuke thame of this warldis companye 
Wzt^outin caus«'/"there was non othir quhy 

And in a chier^ of estate besyde 
W/t/i wingis bright/all plumyt/bot his face 
There sawe I sitt the blynd god Cupide 
With bow in hand '^at bent full redy was 
And by him hang thre arowis In a cas 
Off quhich the hedis gruwdyn were full rjght 
OiF diu^rse metals forgit fair^ and hryght 

And ^ffith the first ]7flt hedit is of gold 
He smytis soft and that has esy cure 
The secund was of silu^r many fold 
Wers than the first and harder aue«ture 
The thrid of stele is schot without recure 
And on his long jalow lokkw schene 
A chaplet had he all of levis grene 



And in a retrete lytill of compas, 

Depeyntit all with sighis wonder sad, 
Noght suich sighis as hertis doith manace, 

Bot suich as dooth lufaris to be glad, 

Fond I Venus vpon hir bed, that had 
A mantill cast ouer hir schuldris quhite : 

Thus clothit was the goddesse of delyte. 


Stude at the dure Fair-Calling, hir vschere, 
That coude his office doon in connyng wise, 

And Secretee, hir thrifty chamberere, 
That besy was in tyme to do seruise. 
And othir mo I can noght on avise, 

And on hir hede, of rede rosis full suete, 

A chapellet sche had, faire, fresch, and mete. 


With quaking hert astonate of that sight, 
Vnnethis wist I quhat that I suld seyne ; 

Bot, at the last, febily, as I myght. 

With my handis on bothe my kneis tueyne, 
There I begouth my caris to compleyne ; 

And with ane humble and lamentable chere 

Thus salute I that goddesse bryght and clere : 


" Hye Quene of Lufe ! sterre of beneuolence ! 
Pitouse princes, and planet merciable ! 

Appesare of malice and violence ! 

By vertew pure of jour aspectis hable, 
Vnto 30ure grace lat now bene acceptable 

My pure request, that can no forthir gone 

To seken help, bot vnto 30W allone ! 

XCVII. 5. S., in note, suggests " mo I can noght on avise " ; W., "mo that 

I can noght avise." 
XCVIII. 3. laste, S. 



And In a retrete lytill of compas 
Depeyntit all with sighis wond^'r sad 
No^At suich sighis as hertis doith manace 
Bot suich as dooth lufarzV to be glad 
Fond I vena^ vpon hir bed ]7at had 
A mantill cast ou^r hir schuldris quhite 
Thus clothit was the goddesse of delyte 

Stude at the dure fair calling hir vschere 
That coude his office doon In conwyng wis? 
And secretee hir thrifty chamberere 
That besy was in tyme to do s^ruisi? 
And othir mo J»flt I can noght on avis^ 
And on hir hede of rede rosis full suete 
A chapellet sche had fair,? fresch and mete 


With quaking hert astonate of that sight 

Vnnethis wist I quhat "^at I suld seyne 

Bot at the last febily as I vnyght 

With my handis on bothe my fea« kneis tueyne 

There I begouth my carw to compleyne 

With ane humble and lamentable chere 

Thus salute I that goddess^ bry^^t and clere 

Hye quene of lufe/-sterr^ of beneuolence 
Pitous^ princes and planet m^rciable 
Appesar^ of malice and violence 
By vertew pur^ of joar aspectis hable 
Vnto 30ur^ grace lat now ben acceptable 
My pur^ request ]>at can no forthir gone 
To seken help bot vnto 30W allone 


As je that bene the socoure and suete well 
Off remedye, of carefull hertes cure, 

And, in the huge weltering wawis fell 
OiF lufis rage, blisfuU havin and sure ; 
O anker and keye of our gude auenture, 

5e haue jour man with his gude-will conquest. 

Merci, therefore, and bring his hert to rest ! 


5e knaw the cause of all my peynes smart 
Bet than my-self, and all myn auenture 

3e may conuoye, and as 30W list, conuert 
The hardest hert that formyt hath nature : 
Sen in jour handis all hale lyith my cure, 

Haue pitee now, O bryght blisfull goddesse. 

Off jour pure man, and rew on his distresse ! 


And though I was vnto jour lawis strange, 
By ignorance, and noght by felonye. 

And that jour grace now likit hath to change 
My hert, to seruen jow perpetualye, 
Forgeue all this, and schapith remedye 

To sauen me of jour benigng grace. 

Or do me steruen furth-with in this place. 


And with the stremes of jour percyng lyght 
Conuoy my hert, that is so wo-begone, 

Ageyne vnto that suete hevinly sight. 
That I, within the wallis cald as stone. 
So suetly saw on morow walk and gone. 

Law in the gardyn, ryght tofore myn eye : 

Now, merci, Queue ! and do me noght to deye." 

C. 4. rage, W, W. 



As je ]>at bene the socour^ and suete well 

Off remedye of carefull hertis cure 

And in the huge weltering wawis fell 

Off luiis rage blisfull havin a.nd sure 

O ank^r and keye of our^ gude aue«ture 

3e haue 30«r man with his gude will conquest 

Merci therefore and bring his hert to rest 


3e knaw the cause of all my peynes smert 
Bet than my self/'and all my« aue«ture 
3e may conuoye and as 30W list conuert 
The hardest hert ]>at formyt hath nature 
Sen in 3oar handis all hale lyith my cure 
Haue pitee now • o bry^At blisfull goddesse 
OfF ^ouT pure man/-and rew on his distress^ 


And though I was vnto ^oui lawis strange 

By ignorance/"and no^At by felonye 

And ]>at jour grace now likit hath to change 

My hert/to seruen 30W perpetualye 

Forgeue all this/"and schapith remedye 

To sauen me of 30Mr benigne grace 

Or do me steruen furthwit/i in this place 

And with the stremes of 30«r percyng lyght 
Conuoy my hert 'pat is so wo begone 
Ageyne vnto that suete hevinly sight 
That I wz'tAin the wallis cald as stone 
So suetly saw on morow walk and gone 
Law in the gardyn ry^At tofore my« eye 
Now merci quene/"and do me noght to deye 



Thir wordis said, my spirit in dispaire, 
A quhile I stynt, abiding efter grace : 

And there-with-all hir cristall eyen faire 
Sche kest asyde, and efter that a space, 
Benignely sche turnyt has hir face 

Towardis me full plesantly conueide ; 

And vnto me ryght in this wise sche seide : 

" 3ong man, the cause of all thyne inward sorowe 

Is noght vnknawin to rny deite. 
And thy request, bothe now and eke toforowe, 

Quhen thou first maid professioun to me ; 

Sen of my grace I haue inspirit the 
To knawe my lawe, contynew furth, for oft. 
There as I mynt full sore, I smyte bot soft. 


Paciently thou tak thyne auenture. 

This will my sone Cupide, and so will I, 

He can the stroke, to me langis the cure 
Quhen I se tyme, and therefor humily 
Abyde, and serue, and lat Gude-Hope the gye : 

Bot, for I haue thy fairhede here present, 

I will the schewe the more of myn entent. 


This is to say, though it to me pertene 
In lufis lawe the septre to gouerne, 

That the effectis of my hemes schene 
Has thaire aspectis by ordynance eterne. 
With otheris byndand, menys to discerne 

Quhilum in thingis bothe to cum and gone 

That langis noght to me to writh allone, 

CIV. 4. Sche, S. 
CVII. 5. bunden menes, S., suggestion in notes ; bynding, W, 


Thir wordis said'/my spirit in dispair^ 
A quhile I stynt abiding eher grace 
And therew/'t^all hir cristall eyen fair^ 
Me kest asyde/'and efter that a space 
Benignely sche t«rnyt has hir face 
Towardis me full plesantly conueide 
And vnto me ryght in this wis^ sche seide 

3ong man the caus? of all thyne Inward sorow? 
Is no^At vnknawin to my deite 
And thy request bothe now and eke toforowe 
Quhen thou first maid professiown to me 
Sen of my grace I haue inspirit the 
To knawe my lawe/contynew furth/for oft 
There as I mynt full sore/I smyte fitH bot soft 

Paciently thou tak thyne aue«ture 
This will my son Cupide and so will I 
He can the stroke to me langzV the cure 
Quhen I se tyme and ther^for^ huily* 
Abyde and s«rue and lat gude hope the gye 
Bot for I haue thy for^hede here present 
I will the schewe the more of my« entent 


This is to say/'though It to me p^rtene 
In lufis lawe the septre to gou^rne 
That the effectis of my hemes schene 
Has thair^ aspectzj by ordynance et^rne 
With othen'^ bynd a.nd mynes to discerne 
Quhilum in thingis bothe to cum and gone 
That langis noght to me to writh allone 

* The scribe gives i an upward turn i, and omits the stroke above a to 
signify um. 



As in thyne awin case now may thou se ; 

For-quhy ? lo, that of otheris influence 
Thy persone standis noght in libertee ; 

Quharefore, though I geve the beneuolence. 

It standis noght jit in myn aduertence, 
Till certeyne coursis endit be and ronne, 
Quhill of trew seruis thow have hir i-wonne. 


And jit, considering the nakitnesse 

Bothe of thy wit, thy persone, and thy myght, 

It is no mach, of thyne vnworthynesse, 

To hir hie birth, estate, and beautee bryght : 
Als like ye bene, as day is to the nyght ; 

Or sek-cloth is vnto fyne cremesye ; 

Or doken foule onto the fresche dayesye. 

Vnlike the mone is to the sonng schene. 

Eke lanuarye is vnlike vnto May ; 
Vnlike the cukkow to the phylomene, 

Thaire tabartis ar noght bothe maid of array ; 

Vnlike the crow is to the papg-iay, 
Vnlike, in goldsmythis werk, a fischis eye 
To prese with peril, or maked be so heye. 


As I haue said, jit vnto me belangith 

Specialy the cure of thy seknesse ; 
Bot now thy matere so in balance hangith. 

That it requerith, to thy sekernesse, 

The help of othir mo that bene goddes. 

And haue in thame the menes and the lore 

In this matere to schorten with thy sore. 

CVIII. 2. by otheris, S. ; that oth&is, W. 7. S. notes, Introd., p. 2, the 
attempted deletion of "graice," but retains it in text, thinking 
scribe changed his mind. 
CIX. 7. doken to the fresche, S. As in text, W. 
ex. 2. vnlike to, S. ; 4, 5. Transposition of these lines would effect 
improvement. 4.. S. suggests omission of maid. W. reads of an 
ray. 7. To peire with, S. 
CXI. I . now vnto, S. 



As in thyne awin cas^ now may thou se 

For quhy lo'jjat oiheris Influence 

Thy p^rsone standis noght in lib^rtee 

Quhar^for^ though I geve the beneuolence 

It standis no^At 3it In my« adu^rtence 

Till certeyne courszV endit be and ronne 

Quhill of trew s^ruis thow have hir grace I wone 


And 3it considijring the nakitness^ 
Bothe of thy wit/'thy persona znd thy myght 
It is no mach of thyne vnworthyness^ 
To hir hie birth/estate/and beautee bry^^t 
Als like 3e bene/-as day is to the nyght 
Or sek cloth is vnto fyne cremesye 

foule on' 
Or doken to* the fresche dayesye 


Vnlike the mone Is to the sonne schene 
Eke lanuarye is like vnto may 
Vnlike the cukkowr to the phylomene 
Thair^ tabartis ar noght bothe maid of array 
Vnlike the crowr is to the pape lay 
Vnlike in goldsmythis werk a fischis eye 
To p«rese with perll/-or maked be so heye 


As I haue said • vnto me belangith 
Specialy the cure of thy sekness^ 
Bot now thy maters so in balance hangith 
That It requerith to thy sek^rnesss' 
The help of othir mo/than bene goddes 
And haue in thame the menes and the lore 
In this maters to schorten with/-thy sore 

* So written in MS. 



And for thou sail se wele that I entend 
Vn-to thy help, thy welefare to preserue, 

The streighte wcj^ thy spirit will I send 
To the goddesse that clepit is Mynerue, 
And se that thou hir hestis wele conserue, 

For in this case sche may be thy supplye, 

And put thy hert in rest, als wele as I. 


Bot, for the way is vncouth vnto the. 
There as hir duelling is and hir soiurne, 

I will that Gude-Hope seruand to the be, 
3oure alleris frend, to lat the noght to murn. 
Be thy condyt and gyde till thou returne. 

And hir besech that sche will, in thy nede, 

Hir counsele geve to thy welefare and spede, 


And that sche will, as langith hir oflSce, 
Be thy gude lady, help and counseiloure. 

And to the schewe hir rype and gude auise. 

Throw quhich thou may, be processe and laboure, 
Atteyne vnto that glad and goldyn floure. 

That thou wald haue so fayn with all thy hart. 

And forthir-more, sen thou hir seruand art, 


Quhen thou descendis doiih to ground ageyne. 
Say to the men that there bene resident. 

How long think thay to stand in my disdeyne. 
That in my lawis bene so negligent 
From day to day, and list thame noght repent, 

Bot breken louse, and walken at thaire large } 

Is nocht eft non that thereof gevis charge ? 

CXII. 3. streighte, S. CXIII. 4. to lette, S. 



And for thou sail se wele ]>at I entend 
Vnto thy help thy welefare to preserve 
The streight weye thy spirit will I send 
To the goddess^ lj>at clepit is myn^rue 
And se J»at thou hir hestis wele construe 
For in this case sche may be thy supplye 
And put thy hert in rest als wele as I 

Bot for the way is vncouth vnto the 
There as hir duelling is/'and hir soiurne 
I will J)flt gud hope s^ruand to the be 
3oure aller« frend to let the to murn 
Be thy condyt and gyde/'till thou returne 
And hir besech Jjat sche will in thy nede 
Hir counsele geve to thy welefare and spede 

And lj>at sche will/as langith hir office 
Be thy gude lady/'help and counseilour^ 
And to the schewe hir rype and gude auis^ 
Throw quhich thou may be process^ and labours 
Atteyne vnto that glad and goldyn flours 
That thou wald haue so fayn with all thy hart 
And forthir more sen thou hir s^ruand art 


Quhen thou descendis doun to ground ageyne 

Say to the men ]>at there bene resident 

How long think thay to stand in my disdeyne 

That in my lawis bene so negligent 

From day to day/-and list tham noght repent 

Bot brckerv lous^ and walken at thair« large 

t none 
Is non e ft ]7at thereof gevis charge 



And for," quod sche, " the angir and the smert 
Off thaire vnkyndenesse dooth me constreyne, 

My femynyne and wofull tender hert, 

That than I wepe ; and, to a token pleyne, 
As of my teris cummyth all this reyne, 

That je se on the ground so fast ybete 

Fro day to day, my turment is so grete. 


And quhen I wepe, and stynt anothir quhile, 
For pacience that is in womanhede, 

Than all my wrath and rancoure I exile ; 
And of my cristall teris that bene schede. 
The hony flouris growen vp and sprede. 

That preyen men, into thaire flouris wise. 

Be trewe of lufe, and worschip my seruise. 


And eke, in takin of this pitouse tale, 

Quhen so my teris dropen on the ground. 

In thaire nature the lytill birdis smale 

Styntith thaire song, and murnyth for that stound, 
And all the lightis in the hevin round 

OfF my greuance haue suich compacience, 

That from the ground they hiden thaire presence. 


And jit in tokenyng forthir of this thing, 

Quhen flouris springis, and freschest bene of hewe, 

And that the birdis on the twistis sing, 
At thilke tyme ay gynnen folk renewe 
That seruis vnto loue, as ay is dewe, 

Most commo«nly haue thay his obseruance. 

And of thaire sleuth tofore haue repentance. 

CXVII. I. S. follows MS. and reads stynten ; an othir, W. ; 6, as in, S. ; 

ryght in, W. 
CXIX. 4. folk renewe, S. 6. Most commonly haue his obseruance, W. 



And for quod sche/the angir and the smert 
Off thair^ vnkyndeness^ dooth me constreyne 
My femynyne and wofull tender hert 
That than I wepe/and to a token pleyne 
As of my tern cuwmyth all this reyne 
That 36 se on the ground so fast ybete 
Fro day to day/"my torment is so grete 

And quhen I wepe/and stynten othir quhile 
For pacience ]>at is in womarahede 
Than all my wrath and rancours I exile 
And of my cristall teris ]>at bene schede 
The hony flours growen vp and sprede 
That preyen me« in thair^ flourzV wis« 
Be trewe of lufe/and worschip my s^ruis^ 


And eke In takin of this pitous^ tale 

Quhen so my teris dropen on the ground 

In thair^ nature the lytill birdis smale 

Styntith thair^ song and marnyth for that stound 

And all the lightis In the hevin round 

Off my greuance/haue suich compacience 

That from the ground they hiden thair^ presence 

And jit In tokenyng forthir of this thing 
Quhen Rouris springis and freschest bene of hewe 
And ]7at the birdis on the twistis sing 
At thilke tyme ay gywnen folk to renewe 
That s^ruls vnto loue/*as ay is dewe 
Most commounly has ay his obs^ruance 
And of thair^ sleuth tofore haue repentance 



Thus maist thou sene that myn effectis grete, 
Vnto the quhich je aught and most obeye, 

No lyte oiFense, to sleuth is al forget : 

And therefore in this wisS to thame seye, 
As I the here haue bidden, and conueye 

The matere all the better tofore said ; 

Thus sail on the my charges bene ilaid. 


Say on than, ' Quhare is becummyn, for schame ! 
The songis new, the fresch carolis and dance. 

The lusty lyf, the mony change of game. 
The fresche array, the lusty contenance. 
The besy awayte, the hertly obseruance, 

That quhilum was amongis thame so ryf ? 

Bid thame repent in tyme, and mend thare lyf: 


Or I sail, with my fader old Saturne, 

And with al hale oure hevinly alliance, 
Oure glad aspectis from thame writh and turne. 

That all the warld sail waile thaire gouernance. 

Bid thame be tyme that thai haue repentance. 
And with thaire hertis hale renew my lawe ; 
And I my hand fro beting sail withdrawe. 


This is to say, contynew in my seruise, 

Worschip my law, and my name magnifye, 

That am your hevin and your paradise ; 
And I your confort here sail multiplye. 
And, for your meryt here, perpetualye 

Ressaue I sail your saulis of my grace. 

To lyve with me as goddis in this place.' " 

CXX. iS. aughten maist weye, S. ; aught and most obeye, W. W. ; 3. is al 
forget, S. 5. bidden, S, 7. charge, S. 
CXXII. 6. with, S. 



Thus maist thou seyne Jiat myn effectz^ grete 
Vnto the quhich je aught and maist weye 
No lyte ofFensf to sleuth is forget 
And ther^for^ In this wis^ to tham seye 
As I the here haue bid/*and conueye 
The maters all the better tofor^ said 
Thus sail on the my charge bene Ilaid 


Say on than'quhare Is becuwzmyn for schame 
The songis newthe fresch carolis and dance 
The lusty lyf/the mony change of game 
The fresche array/'the lusty contenance 
The besy awayte/'the hertly obs^ruance 
That quhilum was amongis thame so ryf 
Bid tham repent in tyme and mend thair^ lyf 


Or I sail with my fad^r old Saturne 

And with al hale oure hevinly alliance 

Our« glad aspect/5 from thame writh and turne 

That all the warld sail waile thaire gou^rnance 

Bid thame be tyme ]7flt thai haue repentance 

And thairif hertis hale renew my lawe 

And I my hand fro beting sail w/t^drawe 


This is to say/"contynew in my si?ruis? 
Worschip my Iaw/"and my name magnify^ 
That am 3o«r hevin and 30«r paradise 
And I 3oar confort here sail multiplye 
And for joar meryt here p^rpetualye 
Ressaue I sail joar saulis of my grace 
To lyve with me as goddis In this place 



With humble thank, and all the reuerence 
That feble wit and connyng may atteyne, 

I tuke my leuS ; and from hir presence, 
Gude-Hope and I to-gider, bothe tueyne, 
Departit are, and, schortly for to seyne, 

He hath me led the redy wayis ryght 

Vnto Mineruis palace, faire and bryght. 


Quhare as I fand, full redy at the jate. 
The maister portare, callit Pacience, 

That frely lete vs in, vnquestionate ; 

And there we sawe the perfyte excellence. 
The said renewe, the state, the reuerence. 

The strenth, the beautee, and the ordour digne 

Off hir court riall, noble and benigne. 


And straught vnto the presence sodeynly 
Off dame Minerue, the pacient goddesse, 

Gude-Hope my gyde has led me redily ; 

To quhom anon with dredefuU humylnesse. 
Off my cummyng the cause I gan expresse, 

And all the processe hole, vnto the end. 

Off Venus charge, as likit hir to send. 


Offquhich ryght thus hir ansuere was in bref : 
" My sone, I haue wele herd, and vnderstond, 

Be thy reherse, the matere of thy gref. 
And thy request to procure, and to fonde 
Off thy pennance sum confort at my bond, 

Be counsele of thy lady Venus clere. 

To be with hir thyne help in this matere. 

CXXIV. 3. hy presence, S. j leue, W. W. 6. the, S. 
CXXV. 5. (facture newe). CXXVI. 3. gyde, S. ; hath led, W. 



With humble thank and all the reu^rence 
That feble wit/and cownyng may atteyne 
I tuke my leue and from hir pr«ence 
Gude hope and I to gider bothe tueyne 
Departit ar^ and schortly for to seyne 
He hath me led redy wayis lyght 
Vnto Mineruis palace fair^ and hryght 

Quhare as I fand full redy at the jate 
The maist^r portar*' callit pacience 
That frely lete vs in vnquestionate 
And there we sawe the p^rfyte excellence 
The said renewe/the state the reu^rence 
The strenth the beautee and the ordo«r digne 
Off hir court riall/"noble * and benigne 


And straught vnto the presence sodeynly 
Off dame Min^rue the pacient goddess^ 
Gude hope my gyde led me redily 
To quhom anon with dredefull humylness^ 
OiF my cuwmyng the caus« I gan expresse 
And all the processe hole vnto the end 
OiF venai charge as likit hir to send 


Off quhich ryght thus hir ansuer^ w^as in href 
My son I haue w^ele herd and vnd^rstond 
Be thy rehers^ the maters of thy gref 
And thy request to procure and to fond^ 
Off thy pewnance sum confort at my hond 
Be counsele of thy lady venus clere 
To be with hir thyne help In this matere 

■ Here in MS. three marks (not letters) .-. are stroked through. 



Bot in this case thou sail wele knawe and witt, 
Thou may thy hert grounden on suich a wise, 

That thy laboure will be bot lytill quit ; 
And thou may set it in anothir wise, 
That wil be to the grete worschip and prise ; 

And gif thou durst vnto that way enclyne, 

I will the geve my lore and disciplyne. 


Lo, my gude sone, this is als mich to seyne, 
As, gif thy lufe be sett all-uterly 

Of nyce lust, thy trauail is in veyne ; 
And so the end sail turne of thy folye 
To payne and repentance ; lo, wate thou quhy ? 

Gif the ne list thy lufe on vertew set, 

Vertu sail be the cause of thy forfet. 


Tak Him before in all thy gouernance. 
That in His hand the stere has of you all ; 

And pray vnto His hyS purueyance 

Thy lufe to gye, and on Him traist and call. 
That corner-stone and ground is of the wall, 

That failis noght ; and trust, withoutin drede, 

Vnto thy purpose sone He sail the lede. 

For lo, the werk that first is foundit sure. 

May better here a pace and hyare be 
Than othir-wise, and langere sail endure 

Be monyfald, this may thy resoun see. 

And stronger to defend aduersitee : 
Groundith thy werk, therefore, vpon the stone. 
And thy desire sail forthward with the gone. 

CXXVIII. 2. hertg, S. 4. anothir, S. 
CXXIX. 3. "be" accidentally omitted, S. 3. On nyce, W. 6. thy lufe 

on, W. W. 
CXXXI. 6. Ground thou, S. 



Bot in this case thou sail wele knawe and witt 
Thou may thy hert ground on suich a wis^ 
That thy labours will be bot lytill quit 
And thou may set It In othir wis^ 
That wil be to the grete worschip and pris^ 
And gif thou durst vnto that way enclyne 
I will the geve my lore and disciplyne 


Lo my gude sone this Is als mich to seyne 

As gif thy lufe be sett allut^rly 

Of nyce lust/'thy trauail is in veyne 

And so the end sail turne of thy folye 

To payne/"and rep^«tance/"lo wate thou quhy 

Gif the ne list on lufe thy v^rtew set 

Vertu sal be the caus^ of thy forfet 

Tak him before in all thy gou^rnance 
That in his hand the stere has of 30U all 
And pray vnto his hye p«rueyance 
Thy lufe to gye/and on him traist and call 
That corner stone and gro«nd is of the wall 
That failis no^/it/'and trust w/t^outin drede 
Vnto thy purpose sone he sail the lede 

For lo the werk ]>at first Is foundit sure 
May better bere a pace and hyare be 
Than othir wise and langeri? sail endure 
Be monyfald/"this may thy resouw see 
And stronger to defend aduersitee 
Ground thy werk therefore vpon the stone 
And thy desire sail forthward with the gone 


Be trewe, and meke, and stedfast in thy thoght, 

And diligent hir merci to procure, 
Noght onely in thy word ; for word is noght, 

Bot gif thy werk and all thy besy cure 

Accord thereto and vtrid be ; mesure 
The place, the houre, the maner, and the wise, 
Gif mercy sail admitten thy seruise. 

All thing has tyme, thus sais Ecclesiaste ; 

And wele is him that his tyme wel abit. 
Abyde thy time, for he that can bot haste 

Can noght of hap, the wise man it writ ; 

And oft gude fortune flourith with gude wit : 
Quharefore, gif thou will be wele fortunyt, 
Lat wisedome ay to thy will be iunyt. 


Bot there be mony of so brukill sort, 

That feynis treuth in lufe bot for a quhile, 

And setten all thaire wittis and disport 
The sely innocent woman to begyle. 
And so to Wynne thaire lustis with a wile ; 

Suich feynit treuth is all bot trechorye, 

Vnder the vmbre of hid ypocrisye. 

For as the foulere quhistlith in his throte 

Diuersely, to counterfete the brid, 
And feynis mony a suete and strange note. 

Till sche be fast lokin his net amyd, 

That in the busk for his desate is hid ; 
Ryght so the fatoure, the false theif, I say. 
With suete tresoun oft wynnith thus his pray. 

CXXXII. 5. Accord thereto ; and vtrid be mesure, S. ; vtrid be : W W 
CXXXIII. 7. vnto, S. CXXXIV. i. (For) there be : 2. in lufe, S. 

CXXXV. Transposition of 4 and 5, W. W. 


Be trewe and meke and stedfast in thy tho^^t 
And diligent hir merci to procure 
No^^t onely in thy word/*for word is noght 
Bot gif thy werk and all thy besy cure 
Accord therrto/'and vtrid be mesure 
The place/'the hour^/the man^r and the wisf 
Gif mercy sail admitten thy s^ruis? 

All thing has tyme thus sais Ecclesiaste 
And wele is him J^at his tyme wel abit 
Abyde thy tyme/"for he ]>at can bot haste 
Can noght of hap/the wis^ man It writ 
And oft gud fortune flourith with gude wit 
Quhar«for^ gif thou will be wele fortunyt 
Lat wisedom ay to thy will be lunyt 

Bot there be mony of so brukill sort 
That feynis treuth In lufe for a quhile 
And setten all thair^ wittis and disport 
The sely Innocent woma« to begyle 
And so to Wynne thairis lustis with a wile 
Suich feynit treuth is all bot trechorye 

Vnd^r the vmbre of ypocrisye 

For as the fouler^ quhistlith in his throte 
Diu^rs^ly to count^rfete the brid 
And feynis mony a suete and strange note 
That in the busk for his desate is hid 
Till sche be fast lok in his net amyd 
^yght so the fatour^ the false theif I say 
With suete tresouw oft wy«nith thus his pray 



Fy on all suich ! fy on thaire doubilnesse ! 

Fy on thaire lust and bestly appetite ! 
Thaire wolfis hertis, in lambis likSnesse ; 

Thaire thoughtis blak, hid vnder wordis quhite ; 

Fy on thaire laboure ! fy on thaire delyte ! 
That feynen outward all to hir honour, 
And in thaire hert hir worschip wold deuoure. 


So hard it is to trusten now on dayes, 

The warld it is so double and inconstant, 

Off quhich the suth is kid be mony assayes ; 
More pitee is ; for quhich the remanant, 
That menen wele, and ar noght variant, 

For otheris gilt ar suspect of vntreuth. 

And hyndrit oft, and treuely that is reuth. 


Bot gif the hert be groundit ferme and stable 
In Goddis law, thy purpose to atteyne. 

Thy laboure is to me wel agreable ; 

And my full help, with counsele trew and pleyne, 
I will the schewe, and this is the certeyne ; 

Opyn thy hert, therefore, and lat me se 

Gif thy remede be pertynent to me." 


" Madame," quod I, " sen it is your plesance 
That 1 declare the kynd of my loving, 

Tieuely and gude, withoutin variance, 
I lufe that floure abufe all othir thing. 
And wold bene he that to hir worschipping 

Myght ought auaile, be Him that starf on rude. 

And nouthir spare for trauaile, lyf, nor gude. 

CXXXVII. 6. ar, S. CXXXVIII. 3. ful agreable, S. 


Fy on all suich fy on thair« doubilness^ 
Fy on thair« lust and bestly appetite 
Thair^ wolfis hertis in lambis likness« 
Thair^ thoughtis blak hid vnd^r wordis quhite 
Fy on thair^ labours fy on thair^ delyte 
That feynen outward all to hir honoar 
And in thair^ hert hir worschip wold deuour^ 

So hard It is to trusten now on dayes 
The warld/-It is so double and inconstant 
OiFquhich the suth is kid be mony assayes 
More pitee is/-for quhich the remanant 
That menen wele/-and are noght variant 
For othin'i- gilt/'and suspect of vntreuth 
And hyndrit oft and treuely that is reuth 


Bot gif the hert be groundit ferm and stable 

In goddis law thy p«rpos^ to atteyne 

Thy labours is to me agreable 

And my full help with counsele trew and pleyne 

I will the schewe/"and this is the c^rteyne 

Opyn thy hert ther^for^ and lat me se 

Gif thy remede be p^rtynent to me 

Madame quod I sen it is 30«r plesance 
That I declare the kynd of my loving 
Treuely and gude w/tAoutin variance 
I lufe that floure abufe all othir thing 
And wold bene he/''pat to hir worschipping 
Myght ought auaile/be him ]>at starf on rude 
And nouthir spare for trauaile lyf nor gude 



And forthirmore, as touching the nature 
Off my lufing, to worschip or to blame, 

I darre wele say, and there-in me assure. 
For ony gold that ony wight can name 
Nold I be he that suld of hir gude fame 

Be blamischere in ony point or wyse 

For wele nor wo, quhill my life may sufEse. 


This is theffect trewly of myn entent. 

Touching the suete that smertis me so sore, 

Giff this be faynt, I can it noght repent. 

Ail-though my lyf suld forfaut be therefore : 
Blisfull princes ! I can seye 30U no more : 

Bot so desire my wittis dooth compace, 

More ioy in erth kepe I noght bot jour grace." 


' " Desire," quod sche, " I nyl it noght deny. 

So thou it ground and set in Cristin wise ; 
And therefore, son, opyn thy hert playnly." 

" Madame," quod I, " trewly, without fantise : 
That day sail I neuer desire vp-rise 
For my delyte to couate the plesance 
That may hir worschip putten in balance. 


For oure all thing, lo, this were my gladnesse, 
To sene the fresche beautee of hir face ; 

And gif I myght deserue, be processe. 

For my grete lufe and treuth, to stond in grace, 
Hir worschip sauf, lo, here the blisfull cace 

That I wold ask, and there-unto attend, 

For my most ioye vnto my lyfis end." 

CXL. 5. Nold, S. CXLI. 3. faute, S. in notes. 
CXLII. 5. sail neuer be I sail, S. ; behold uprise, W. 
CXLIII. 3. I, S. 6. there-unto, S. ; aske, W. 



And forthirmore as touching the nature 
OfF my lufing/"to worschip or to blame 
I darr^ wele say/*and therein me assure 
For ony gold "pat ony wight can name 
Wald I be he ]>at suld of hir gude fame 
Be blamischer^ In ony point or wyse 
For wele nor wo/*quhill my lyf may suffis^ 

This Is thefFect trewly of my« entent 
Touching the suete ]>at smertis me so sore 
Giff this be faynt/I can It noght repent 
All though my lyf suld forfaut be therefore 
Blisfull princes I can seye ^ou no more 
Bot so desire my wittis dooth compace 
More loy in erth kepe I noght bot 30«r grace 


Desire quod sche I nyl It noght deny 
So thou It groand and set in cristin wis^ 
And ther^for^ son opyn thy hert playnly 
Madame quod I trew w/'tAoutin fantis^ 
That day sail I neu^r vp ris^ 
For my delyte to couate the plesance 
That may hir worschip putten In balance 

For our*' all thing lo this wer^ my gladness^ 
To sene the fresche beautee of hir face 
And gif It myght des^rue be process^ 
For my grete lufe and treuth to stond in grace 
Hir worschip sauf/lo here the blisfull cace 
That I wold ask and therrto attend 
For my most loye vnto my lyfis end 



" Now wele," quod sche, " and sen that it is so, 
That in vertew thy lufe is set with treuth, 

To helpen the I will be one of tho 

From hennesforth, and hertly without sleuth, 
Off thy distresse and excesse to haue reuth, 

That has thy hert : I will hir pray full faire, 

That Fortune be no more thereto contraire. 


For suth it is, that all ^e creaturis, 

Quhich vnder vs beneth haue 30ur duellyng, 

Ressauen diuersSly 30ur auenturis. 

Off quhich the cure and principall melling 
Apperit is, withoutin repellyng, 

Onely to hir that has the cuttis two 

In hand, bothe of jour wele and of jour wo. 


And how so be it that sum clerkis trete. 
That all jour chance y-causit is tofore 

Heigh in the hevin, by quhois effectis grete 
5e movit are to wrething, lesse or more, 
Thar in the warld, thus calling that therefore 

' Fortune,' and so that the diuersitee 

Off"thaire wirking suld cause necessitee. 


Bot othir clerkis halden that the man 
Has in himself the chose and libertee 

To cause his awin fortune, how or quhan 
That him best lest, and no necessitee 
Was in the hevin at his natiuitee, 

Bot jit the thingis happin in commune 

Efter purpose, so cleping thame ' Fortune.' 

CXLIV. 4. hennesforth, S. 5, 6.. I will hir pray, S. 

CXLV. 5. (Appointit) (Pertynent). 

CXLVI. I. so be it, S. ; so be that, W. -a. chance, S. 5. Thar, S. 



Now wele quod sche/and sen 'pat It is so 
That In v^rtew thy lufe is set with treuth 
To helpen the I will be one of tho 
From hensforth/and hertly without sleuth 
Off thy distress^ and excess^ to haue reuth 
That has thy hert/*I will pray full fair^ 
That fortune be no more thereto contrair^ 


For suth It is ]>at all^tfae creatun'j 

Quhich vnd^r vs beneth haue ^our duellyng 

Ressauen diu^rs^Iy joar aue«tunV 

OflF quhich the cur^ and principall melling 

Apperit is w/tAoutin repellyng 

Onely to hir ]>at has the cuttis two 

In hand/-bothe of joar wele/rand of 3oar wo 


And how so hej]>at sum clerk/f trete 
That all jowr chance causit Is tofor^ 
Heigh In the hevin/-by quhois effectw grete 
3e movit are to wrething less? or more 
Quhare In the warld thus calling ]7at therrfore 
Fortune/"and so j>at the diu^rsitee 
Off thair« wirking suld caus^ necessitee 

Bot othir clerkis halden ]>at the man 
Has in him self the chos? and libertee 
To caus? his awin fortune how or quhan 
That him best lest/'and no * necessitee 
Was In the hevi« at his natiuitee 
Bot jit the thingis happin in commune 
Eft^r p«rpose'so cleping thame fortune 

* A letter like a is here erased. 


And quhare a persone has tofore knawing 

Off it that is to fallen purposely, 
I>o, Fortune is bot wayke in suich a thing, 

Thou may wele wit, and here ensample quhy ; 

To God, that is the first cause onely 
Off euery thing, there may no fortune fall : 
And quhy ? for he foreknawin is of all. 


And therefore thus I say to this sentence ; 
Fortune is most and strangest euermore 

Quhare leste foreknawing or intelligence 
Is in the man ; and, sone, of wit and lore 
Sen thou art wayke and feble, lo, therefore, 

The more thou art in dangere in commune 

With hir that clerkis clepen so Fortune. 


Bot for the sake, and at the reuerence 
Off Venus clere, as I the said tofore, 

I haue of thy distresse compacience ; 
And in confort and relesche of thy sore. 
The schewit I here myn avise therefore ; 

Pray Fortune help, for mich vnlikly thing 

Full oft about sche sodeynly dooth bring. 


Now go thy way, and haue gude mynde vpon 
Quhat I haue said in way of thy doctryne." 

" I sail, madame," quod I ; and ryght anon 
I tuke my leve. Als straught as ony lyne, 
With-in a heme that fro the contree dyvine 

Sche, percyng throw the firmament, extendit, 

To ground ageyne my spirit is descendit ; 

CXLVIII. z. fallen, S. 5. that, S., firste, S. (anerly). CXLIX. 5. are, S. 

CL. 5. haue here, S. CLI. 3. quod I, S. 



And quhare a p^rsone has tofor^ knawing 
Off It ]>at is to fall purposely 
lo fortune is bot wayke in suich a thing 
Thou may wele wit/"and here ensample quhy 
To god It is the first caus^ onely 
OfFeu^ry thing/there may no fortune fall 
And quhy/*for he for^knawin is of all 

And ther^for^ thus I say to this sentence 
Fortune Is most/and strangest eu^rmore 
Quhare leste for^knawing or intelligence 
Is in the man/"and sone of wit or lore 
Sen thou art wayke and feble lo ther^for^' 
The more thou art in dangers and commune 
With hir ]>at clerkis clepen so fortune 


Bot for the sake and at the reu^rence 
OiF venus clere as I the said tofore 
I haue of thy distress^ compacience 
And in confort/and relesche of thy sore 
The schewit here my« avis^ therefor.? 
Pray fortune help/for mich vnlikely thing 
Full oft about sche sodeynly dooth bring 

Now go thy way and haue gude mynd vpon 
Quhat I haue said in way of thy doctryne 
I sail madame quod he/"and rjght anon 
I tuke my leve als straught as ony lyne 
Within a heme lj>at fro the contree dyvine 
Sche percyng throw the firmament extendit 
To ground ageyne my spirit is descendit 



Quhare, in a lusty plane, tuke I my way, 
Endlang a ryuer, plesant to behold, 

Enbroudin all with fresche flouris gay, 

Quhare, throu the grauel, bryght as ony gold. 
The cristall water ran so clere and cold. 

That in myn ere maid contynualy 

A maner soune, mellit with armony ; 


That full of lytill fischis by the brym. 

Now here, now there, with bakkis blewe as lede. 

Lap and playit, and in a rout can swym 
So prattily, and dressit thame to sprede 
Thaire curall fynnis, as the ruby rede. 

That in the sonne vpon thaire scalis bryght 

As gesserant ay glitterit in my sight : 


And by this ilkg ryuer-syde alawe 

Ane hyS-way thar fand I like to bene, 

On quhich, on euery sydS, a long rawe 
Off treis saw I, full of leuis grene. 
That full of fruyte delitable were to sene. 

And also, as it come vnto my mind, 

OfF bestis sawe I mony diuerse kynd : 


The lyoun king, and his fere lyonesse ; 

The pantere, like vnto the smaragdyne ; 
The lytill squerell, full of besynesse ; 

The slawe ase, the druggare beste of pyne ; 

The nyce ape ; the werely porpapyne ; 
The percyng lynx ; the lufare vnicorne. 
That voidis venym with his euour home. 

CLII. 6. in rayn ere, S. CLIII. 6. sonne, S. 

CLIV. X. thar, S. 3. longe, S. ; syde, W. W. 



Quhare In a lusty plane tuke I my way 
Endlang a rywr plesant to behold 
Enbroudin all w/tA fresche flours gay 
Quhare throu the grauel hryght as ony gold 
The cristall water ran so clere and cold 
That in my« ere maid contynualy 
A man^r soun mellit with armony 

That full of lytill fischis by the brym 
Now here now there with bakkw blewe as lede 
lap and playit/** and In a rout can swym 
So prattily and In a rout can dressit tham to sprede 
Thair^ curall fynnis as the ruby rede 
That In the sonne on ihake scalis bryght 
As gesserant ay glitt^rit In my sight 

And by this ilke ryu^r syde alawe 
Ane hye way fand I like to bene 
On quhich on euery syde a long rawe 
Off treis/'saw I full of leuis grene 
That full of fruyte delitable were to sene 
And also as It come vnto my mynd 
Off bestis sawe I mony diu«rs^ kynd 

The lyou« king and his fere lyonesse 
The pantere like vnto the smaragdyne 
The lytill squerell full of besyness^ 
The slawe z$e the druggar^ beste of pyne 
The nyce ape/"the wer^ly porpapyne 
The p^rcyng lynx the lufar^ vnicorne 
That voidis venym with his euour^ home 

* Very faint. 



There sawe I dresse him new out of his haunt 

The fery tigere, full of felonye ; 
The dromydare ; the standar oliphant ; 

The wyly fox, the wedowis inemye ; 

The clymbare gayte ; the elk for alblastrye ; 
The herknere bore ; the holsum grey for hortis ; 
The haire also, that oft gooth to the wortis ; 


The bugill, draware by his hornis grete, 

The martrik sable, the foyn3ee, and mony mo ; 

The chalk-quhite ermyn, tippit as the iete ; 
The riall hert, the conyng, and the ro ; 
The wolf, that of the murthir noght sayis " Ho !" 

The lesty beuer, and the ravin bare ; 

For chamelot the camel full of hare ; 


With mony an-othir beste diuerse and strange, 
That cummyth noght as now vnto my mynd. 

Bot now to purpose : straucht fiirth to the range 
I held away, oure-hailing in my mynd 
From quhens I come, and quhare that I suld fynd 

Fortune, the goddesse, vnto quhom in hye 

Gude-Hope, my gyde, has led me sodeynly. 


And at the last, behalding thus asyde, 

A round place, and y-wallit, haue I found ; 

In myddis quhare eftsones I have spide 

Fortune, the goddesse, hufing on the ground ; 
And ryght before hir fete, of compas round, 

A quhele, onto quhich cleuering I sye 

A multitude of folk before myn eye. 

CLVI. 1. his haunt, S. CLVII. 5. sayis, S. CLVIIL 3. furth by, W. 
CLIX. 2. rounde, y-wallit, S. 3. aspide, S. 6. quhich than, S. 



There sawe I dressy him new out of haunt 

The fery tigers full of felonye 

The dromydar^ • the standar oliphant 

The wyly fox the wedowis Inemye 

The clymbar^ gayte the elk for alblastrye 

The herknerg bore/"the holsum grey for hortii' 

The hair^ also/J»at oft gooth to the wortis 

The bugill drawar? by his hornis grete 
The martrik sable/the foynjee and mony mo 
The chalk quhite ermyn tippit as the lete 
The riall hert the conyng and the ro 
The wolf ]7at of the murthir noght say ho 
The lesty beu^r and the ravin bare 
For chamelot the camel full of hare 


With mony an othir beste diu«rs^ and strange 
That cuwzmyth noght as now vnto my mynd 
Bot now to p«rpos^ straucht furth the range 
I held away our^hailing in my mynd 
From quhens I come/"and quhare l^at I suld fynd 
Fortune the goddess^ vnto quhom In hye 
Gude hope my gyde has led me sodeynly 

And at the last behalding thus asyde 
A round place wallit haue I found 
In myddis quhare eftsone I haue spide 
Fortune the goddess^ hufing on the ground 
And ry^At before hir fete of compas round 
A quhele/'on quhich cleumng I sye 
A multitude of folk before my« eye 



And ane surcote sche werit long that tyde, 
That semyt to me of mony diuerse hewis ; 

And quhilum thus, quhen sche wald turne asyde, 
Stude this goddesse of fortune ; and of lewis 
A chapellet with mony fresche anewis 

Sche had vpon her hed ; and with this hong 

A mantill on hir schuldris, large and long, 


That furrit was with erSmyn full quhite, 
Degoutit with the self in spottis blake : 

And quhilum in hir cherfi thus a lyte 

Louring sche was ; and than sone sche wold slake, 
And sodeynly a maner smylyng make. 

And sche were glad ; for at one contenance 

Sche held hir noght, hot ay in variance. 


And vnderneth the quhelfi sawe I' there 
An vgly pit as depe as ony helle. 

That to behald thereon I quoke for fere ; 
Bot o thing herd I, that quho there- in fell 
Come no more vp agane, tidingis to telle ; 

OfF quhich, astonait of that ferefull syght, 

I ne wist quhat to done, so was I fricht. 


Bot for to se the sudayn weltering _^ 

Off that ilk quhele, that sloppare was to hold. 

It semyt vnto my wit a stronge thing. 

So mony I sawe that thareon clymben wold. 
And failit foting, and to ground were rold ; 

And othir eke, that sat aboue on hye. 

Were ouerthrawe in twinklyng of an eye. 

CLX. z. vnto, S. ; diuerse, W. 3. wald hir, S. 4. of glewis, S. 
CLXI. 3. chere, W. W. 6. for, S. 7. bot was, S. 
CLXII. 2. was, S. i as depe, W. CLXIII. 3. strange, S. 



And ane surcote sche werit long that tyde 
That semyt to me of diu^rs^ hewis 
Quhilum thus quhen sche wald turn asyde 
Stude this goddess^ of fortune a.nd 
A chapellet v/hh mony fresche anewis 
Sche had vpon hir hed and -with this hong 
A mantill on hir schuldris large and long 


That furrit was with ermyn full quhite 

Degoutit -with the self in spottis blake 

And quhilum In hir chier^ thus alyte 

Louring sche was/** and thus sone It wold slake 

And sodeynly a man«r smylyng make 

And sche were glad at one contenance 

Sche held noght hot ay in variance 

- (162) 

And vnderneth the quhele sawe I there 
An vgly pit depe as ony helle 
That to behald thereon I quoke for fere 
Bot o thing herd I \at quho therein fell 
Com no more vp agane tidingis to telle 
Off quhich astonait of that ferefuU syght 
I ne wist quhat to done/'so was I fricht 

Bot for to se the sudayn weltering 
Off that Ilk quhele \at sloppar^ was to hold 
It semyt vnto my wit a strong thing 
So mony I sawe Jiat than clymben wold 
And failit foting/-and to grou«d wer^ rold 
And othir eke ]7at sat aboue on hye 
Were ouerthrawe In twinklyng of an eye 

* Very faint. 



And on the quhele was lytill voKd space, 
Wele nere overstraught fro lawe to hye ; 

And they were ware that long had sat in place, 
So tolter quhilum did sche it to-wrye ; 
There was hot clymben and ryght dounward hye. 

And sum were eke that fallyng had tofore, 

There for to clymbe thaire corage was no more. 


I sawe also that, quhere sum were yslungin. 
Be quhirlyng of the quhele, vnto the ground, 

Full sudaynly sche hath it vp ythrungin. 

And set thame on agane full sauf and sound : 
And euer I sawe a newS swarm abound, 

That socht to clymbe vpward vpon the quhele, 

In stede of thame that myght no langer rele. 


And at the last, in presence of thame all 
That stude about, sche clepit me be name ; 

And therewith apon kneis gan I fall 

Full sodaynly, halflyng abaist for schame ; 
And, smylyng thus, sche said to me in game, 

" Quhat dois thou here ? Quho has the hider sent ? 

Say on anon, and tell me thyn entent. 


I se wele, by thy chere and contenance, 
There is sum thing that lyis the on hert, 

It stant noght with the as thou wald, perchance ?" 
" Madame," quod I, " for lufe is all the smert 
That euer I fele, endlang and ouerthwert. 

Help, of jour grace, me wofull wrechit wight. 

Sen me to cure ye powere haue and myght." 

-CLXIV. I. quhele, W. 2. Text, W. W. ; lawfi vnto, S. 3. longe, S. 
5. clymben, S. 6. so sore, S. 
CLXV. I. quhareas, S. 3. thaim, S. 5. newe, S. 6. That thought to, S. 



And on the quhele was lytill void space 
Wele nere our,? straught fro lawe to hye 
And they were war« Ipat long sat In place 
So tolt«r quhilum did sche It to wrye 
There was hot clymbe and ryght dounward hye 
And sum were eke "pat fallyng had sore 
There for to clymbe/thair^ corage was no more 


I sawe also ]>at quhere sum were slungin 
Be quhirlyng of the quhele vnto the ground 
Full sudaynly sche hath vp ythrungin 
And set thame on agane full sauf a.nd sound 
And euer I sawe a new swarm abound 
That to clymbe vpward vpon the quhele 
In stede of thame ])at myght no la.nger rele 


And at the last In pr^sene of thame all 
That stude about sche clepit me be name 
And therewith apon kneis gan I fall 
Full sodaynly hailsing/-abaist for schame 
And smylyng thus sche said to me in game 
Quhat dois thou here/quho has the hid^r sent 
Say on anon/"and tell me thyn entent 


I se wele by thy chere and contenance 

There is sum thing )7at lyis the on hert 

.AfIt stant noght with the as thou wald perchance 

Madame quod T/.for lufe Is all the smert 

That eu^r I fele endlang and ou^rthwert 

Help of 30«r grace me wofull wrechit wight 

Sen me to cure/'3e powere haue and myght 



" Quhat help," quod sche, " wold thou that I ordeyne, 
To bringen the vnto thy hertis desire ?" 

" Madame," quod I, " hot that 30ur grace dedeyne. 
Off 30ur grete myght, my wittis to enspire. 
To win the well that slokin may the fyre, 

In quhich I birn. A, goddesse fortunate ! 

Help now my game, that is in point to mate." 


" Off mate ?" quod sche, " O ! verray sely wrech, 
I se wele by thy dedely coloure pale. 

Thou art to feble of thy-self to streche 
Vpon my quhele, to clymben or to hale 
Withoutin help ; for thou has fundin stale 

This mony day, withoutin werdis wele. 

And wantis now thy veray hertis hele. 


Wele maistow be a wrechit man ycallit. 

That wantis the confort suld thy hert glade ; 

And has all thing within thy hert ystallit. 
That may thy ^outh oppressen or defade. 
Though thy begynnyng hath bene retrograde. 

Be froward, opposyt, thare-till aspert. 

Now sail thai turne, and luken on the dert." 


And therewith-all vnto the quhele in hye 

Sche hath me led, and bad me lere to clymbe, 

Vpon the quhich I steppit sudaynly. 

" Now hald thy grippis," quod sche, " for thy tyme 
An houre and more it rynnis ouer prime ; 

To count the hole, the half is nere away ; 

Spend wele, therefore, the remanant of the day. 

CLXVIII. z. bringen, S. CLXIX. 4. clymben, S. 

CLXX. 1. y-callit, S. 2. S. omits that before "suld" and reads " hertg." 
3. herte stallit, S. 6. thare-till, W. W. 6. (appert). 
7 luken, S. (lukis.) 



Quhat help quod sche wold thou ]>at I ordeyne 
To bring the vnto thy hertis desire 
Madame quod I hot 'pat ipur grace dedeyne 
Off 30«r grete rayght my wittis to enspire 
To win the well pat. slokin may the fyre 
In quhich I birn/a goddess^ fortunate 
Help now my game pat is in poynt to mate 


Off mate quod sche o verray sely wrech 
I se wele by thy dedely colours pale 
Thou art to feble of thy self to streche 
Vpon my quhele to clymbe or to hale 
Withoutin help-for thou has fundin stale 
This mony day w/tAoutin werdis wele 
And wantis now thy veray hertis hele 


Wele maistow be a wrechit man callit 
That wantis the confort pat suld thy hert glade 
And has all thing within thy hert stallit 
That may thy 30uth oppressen or defade 
Though thy begywnyng hath bene retrograde 
Be froward opposyt quhare till aspert 
Now sail thai turn/and liike on the dert 

And therew/'tA all vnto the quhele In hye 
Sche hath me led/*and bad me lere to clymbe 
Vpon the quhich I steppit sudaynly 
Now hald thy grippis quod sche for thy tyme 
An houre and more It rywnis ou^r prime 
To count the hole/the half is ner^ away 
Spend wele ther^for^ the remanant of the day 



Ensample," quod she, " tak of tho tofore 
That fro my quhele be rollit as a ball ; 

For the nature of it is euermore, 

After ane hicht, to vale and geue a fall, 
Thus, quhen me likith, vp or doune to fall : 

Fare-wele," quod sche ; and by the ere me toke 
/J"' So ernestly, that therewithall I woke. 


O besy goste ! ay flikering to and fro. 
That neuer art in quiet nor in rest, 

Till thou cum to that place that thou cam fro, 
Quhich is thy first and verray proper nest : 
From day to day so sore here artow drest. 

That with thy flesche ay walking art in trouble. 

And sleping eke ; of pyne so has thou double. 


Touert my-self all this mene I to loke. 
Though that my spirit vexit was tofore 

In sueuenyng, alssone as euer I woke 
By twenty-fold it was in trouble more. 
Bethinking me with sighing hert and sore 

That I nan othir thingis bot dremes had, 

Nor sekernes, my spirit with to glad. 


And therewith sone I dressit me to ryse, 

Fulfild of thoght, pyne, and aduersitee ; 
And to my-self I said into this wise ; 

" A ! merci, Lord ! quhat will 36 do with me ? 

Quhat lyf is this ? quhare hath my spirit be ? 
Is this of my forethoght impressioun. 
Or is it from the hevin avisioun ? 

CLXXIV. 1. Towart, S., in note. Couert myself all this ment I to loke, W. 

3. sueuenyng, S. 6. I, S. 
CLXXV. 3. vpon this wise, S. 


Ensample quod sche/tak of this tofore 
That fro my quhele be rollit as a ball 
For the nature of It is eui?rmore 
After ane hicht to vale/'and geue a fall 
Thus quhen me likith vp or douii to fall 
Fare wele quod sche/'and by the ere me toke 
So ernestly/;J>i?t therewzt^all I woke 

O besy goste ay flikering to and fro 
That neuer art In quiet nor In rest 
Till thou cum to that place ]>at thou cam fro 
Quhich is thy first/and verray proper nest 
From day to day so sore here artow drest 
That with thy flesche ay walking art in trouble 
And sleping eke of pyne so has thou double 

Couert* my self all this mene I to loke 
Though ]7at my spirit vexit was tofore 
In sueuyng alssone as eu^r I woke 
By xx'J fold It was In trouble more 
Bethinking me with sighing hert and sore 
That nan othir thingis bot dremes had 
Nor sek«rnes/*my spirit with to glad 

And ther^wz'tA sone I dressit me to rys^ 
Fulfild of tho^At/'pyne and adu^rsitee 
And to my self I said In this wis^ 
t b Quhat lyf is this/"quhare hath my spirit be 
a A m^rci lord quhat will 36 do with me 
Is this of my foreihoght Impressiouw 
Or Is It from the hevin avisiouw 

* The initial C may be a T. There seems in MS. a very, very faint left limb 
to the letter. 

•(■ b and a are in handwriting of scribe. 



And gif je goddis, of 30ure puniiance, 
Haue schewit this for my reconforting, 

In relesche of my furiouse pennance, 
I 30W beseke full humily of this thing, 
That of joure grace I myght haue takenyng, 

Gif it sal be as in my slepe before 

3e shewit haue." And forth, withoutin more, 


In hye vnto the wyndow gan I walk, 
Moving within my spirit of this sight, 

Quhare sodeynly a turture, quhite as calk. 
So evinly vpon my hand gan lyght, 
And vnto me sche turnyt hir full ryght ; 

OfFquham the chere in hir birdis aport 

Gave me in hert kaleridis of confort. 


This fair bird ryght in hir bill gan hold 
Of red iorofflis with thair stalkis grene 

A fair branche, quhare writtin was with gold 
On euery list with branchis bryght and schene 
In compas fair, full plesandly to sene, 

A plane sentence, quhich, as I can deuise 

And haue in mynd, said ryght vpon this wise : 


" Awak ! awake ! I bring, lufar, I bring 
The newis glad, that blisfuU bene and sure 

Of thy confort ; now lauch, and play, and syng. 
That art besid so glad an auenture ; 
For in the hevyn decretit is thi cure." 

And vnto me, the flouris fair present, 

With wyngis spred hir wayis furth sche went. 

CLXXVII. 3. chalk, S. 7. herte, S. 
CLXXVIII. 3. faire, S. 4. (lettris). 7. vpon, S. 
CLXXIX. A. CThat has betid"). 

:LXXVIII. 3. faire, S. 4. (letti 
CLXXIX. 4. (That has betid). 



And gif je goddis of 30ur^ paruiance 

Haue schewit this for my reconforting 

In relesche of my furious^ perenance 

I 30W beseke full huily of this thing 

That of 30UK grace I my^At haue more takenyng 

Gif It salbe/"as in my slepe before 

5e schewit haue/"and forth wit^outin more 

In hye vnto the wyndow gan I walk 
Moving within my spirit of this sight 
Quhare sodeynly a turture quhite as calk 
So evinly vpon my hand gan ly^^t 
And vnto me sche tarnyt hir full ryght 
Off quham the chere in hir birdis aport 
Gave me in hert kalendis of confort 

(^Another scribe begins here.) 

This fair bird rjght In hir bill gan hold 
Of red lorofflis with thair stalkis grene 
A fair branche quhare writtin was with gold 
On euery list witht branchis hvyght and schene 
In compas fair full plesandly to sene 
A plane sentence quhich as I can deuis^ 
And haue In mynd said ryght on j^is wise 

Awak awake I bring lufar I bring 
The newis glad that blisfull ben and sure 
Of thy confort now lauch a«^ play a«(S? syng 
That art besid so glad an auenture 
For In the hevyn decretit is \e. cure 
And vnto me the flouris fair present 
With vryngis spred hir wayis furth sche went 



Quhilk vp a-non I tuke, and as I gesse, 
Ane hundreth tymSs, or I forthir went, 

I haue it red, with hert full of glaidnese ; 

And, half with hope, and half with dred, it hent, 
And at my beddis hed, with gud entent, 

I haue it fair ypynnit vp, and this 

First takyn was of all my help and bliSse ; 


The quhich treuly therefter, day be day. 

That all my wittis maistrit had tofore, 
From hennesferth the paynis did away. 

And schortly, so wele Fortune has hir bore, 

To quikin treuly day by day my lore. 
To my larges that I am cumin agayne, 
To blisse with hir that is my souiraine. 


Bot for als moche as sum micht think or seyne, 
Quhat nedis me, apoun so litill evyn, 
To writt all this ? I ansuere thus ageyne, — 
Quho that from hell war croppin onys in hevin, 
Wald efter o thank for ioy mak sax or sevyn. 
And euery wicht his awin suete or sore 
Has maist in mynde : I can say 30U no more. 


Eke quho may in this lyfe haue more plesance 
Than cum to largesse from thraldom and peyne, 

And by the mene of Luffis ordinance. 
That has so mony in his goldin cheyne ? 
Quhich thinkis to wyn his hertis souereyne, 

Quho suld me wite to write thar-of, lat se ! 

Now sufficiance is my felicitee, 

CLXXX. 3. hertefuU, S. 6. fairfi, S. 

CLXXXI. I. quhiche, S. 3. From hennSsferth, S. CLXXXII. 5. (of 
CLXXXIII. 5. thinkis, S. 7. pointing felicitee, W. W. ; felicitee. S. 
sufEciante, S. 



Quhilk vp anon I tuke and as I gess^ 

Ane hundreth tymes or I forthir went 

I haue It red with hertfull glaidnes^ 

And half with hope aW half with dred It hent 

And at my beddis hed with gud entent 

I haue It fair py«nit vp and this 

First takyn was of all my help and bliss^. 


The quhich treuly efter day be day 
That all my wittis maistrit had to fore 
Quhich hensferth the paynis did away 
And schortly so wele fortune has hir bore 
To quikin treuly day by day my lore 
To my larges that I am cuwzin agayn 
To blisse with hir that is my souiraine 


Bot for als moche as sum micht think or seyne 
Quhat nedis me apoun so litill evyn 
To writt all this I ansuere thus ageyne 

Quho that from hell war coppin onys In hevin 
Wald efter O thank for loy mak vi or vii 
And euery wicht his awin suete or sore 
Has maist In mynde I can say 30U no more 


Eke quho may In this lyfe haue more plesance 
Than cum to largesse from thraldom znd peyne 
And by the mene of luffis Ordinance 
That has so mony In his goldin cheyne 
Quhich this to wyn his hertis sou^reyne 
Quho suld me wite to write thar of lat se 
Now sufficiance Is my felicitee 



Beseching vnto fair Venus abufe, 

For all my brethir that bene in this place, 

This is to seyne, that seruandis ar to Lufe, 
And of his lady can no thank purchase, 
His paine relesch, and sone to stand in grace, 

Boith to his worschip and to his first ese ; 

So that it hir and resoun noght displese : 


And eke for tham that ar noght entrit inne 
The dance of lufe, bot thidder-wart on way. 

In gude tyme and sely to begynne 

Thair prentissehed, and forthir-more I pray 
For thame that passit ben the mony affray 

In lufe, and cummyn ar to full plesance. 

To graunt tham all, lo ! gude perseuerance : 


And eke I pray for all the hertis dull, 
That lyven here in sleuth and ignorance. 

And has no curage at the rose to pull, 

Thair lif to menden and thair saulis auance 
With thair suete lore, and bring thame to gude 
chance ; 

And quho that will noght for this prayer turn 

Quhen thai wald faynest speid, that thai may spurn. 


To rekyn of euery-thing the circumstance. 
As hapnit me quhen lessen gan my sore. 

Of my rancoure and al my wofull chance. 
It war to long, I lat it be tharefor. 
And thus this flouris, I can seye no more. 

So hertly has vnto my help attendit. 

That from the deth hir man sche has defendit, 

CLXXXIV. I. (Beseche I). 
CLXXXVII. 3. al my, S. 5. floure I can seye jou no more, S. 




Beseching vnto fair venus abufe 
For all my brethir pat ben In this place 
This Is to seyne lj>at s^ruandis'are to lufe 
And of his lady can no thank p«rchas^ 
His paine relesch and sone to stand In grace 
Boith to his worschip and to his first es^ 
So that It hir and and resoun noght disples^ 


And eke for tham )7at ar noght entrit Inne 
The dance of lufe bot thidd«rwart on way 
In gude tym and sely to begynne 
b For thame that passit ben ]7e mony affray 
a Thair prentiss^hed and forthirmore I pray 
In lufe and cunnyng are to full plesance 
To graunt tham all/lo gude p^rseuerance 


And eke I pray for all the hertis dull 

That lyven here In sleuth and Ignorance 

And has no curage at the ros^ to pull 

Thair lif to mend and thair saulis auance 

With thair suete lore and bring tham to gude chance 

And quho that will noght for this prayer turn 

Quhen thai wald faynest speid lj>at lj>a.i may spurn 


To Rekyn of euery thing the circumstance 

As hapnit me quhen lessen gan my sore 

Of my rancoure and wofull chance 

It war to long-I lat It be tharefor 

And thus this flouris I can seye no more 

So hertly has vnto my help attendit 

That from the deth hir man sche has defendit 

* The marks b, a, tr, and > are written by a later hand and not by the 
scribe. f 



And eke the goddis mercifull virking, 

For my long pane and trewe seruice in lufe, 

That has me gevin halely myn asking, 
Quhich has my hert for euir sett abufe 
In perfyte ioy, that neuir may remufe, 

Bot onely deth : of quhom, in laud and prise, 

With thankfull hert I say richt in this wise : — 


" Blissit mot be the blisfull goddis all, 
So fair that glitteren in the firmament ! 

And blissit be thare myght celestiall, 

That haue convoyit hale, with one assent, 
My lufe, and to so glade a consequent ! 

And thankit be Fortunys exiltree 

And quhele, that thus so wele has quhirlit me. 


Thankit mot be, and fair in lufe befall 

The nychtingale, that, with so gud entent. 

Sang thare of lufe the notis suete and small, 
Quhair my fair hertis lady was present, 
Hir with to glad, or that sche forthir went ! 

And thou gerafloure, mot i-thankit be 

All othir flouris for the lufe of the ! 


And thankit be the fair castell wall, 

Quhare as I quhilom lukit furth and lent. 

Thankit mot be the Sanctis marciall. 
That me first causit hath this accident. 
Thankit mot be the grene bewis bent, 

Throu quhom, and vnder, first fortunyt me 

My hertis hele, and my confort to be. 

CLXXXIX. I. heye goddis, S. 5. so glade, S. 
CXCI. I. fake, S. 3. (factis marciall). 



And eke the goddis mercifull virking 
For my long pane and trewe s^ruice In lufe 
That has me gevin halely myn asking 
Quhich has my hert for euir sett abufe 
In perfyte loy that neuir may remufe 
Bot onely deth of quhom In laud and pris^ 
With thankfuU hert I say richt In this wis^ 


Blissit mot be the goddis all 

So fair that glitt^ren In lj>e firmament 

And blissit be thare myght celestiall 

That haue convoyit hale with one assent 

My lufe and to glade a consequent 

And thankit be fortunys exiltree 

And quhile that thus so wele has quhirlit me 


Thankit mot be and fair and lufe befall 
The nychtingale ]>a.t with so gud entent 
Sang thare of lufe the notis suete and small 
Quhair my fair hertis lady was present 
Hir with to glad or that sche forthir went 
And thou gerafloure mot I thankit be 
All othir flour/i for 'pe lufe of ]>e 

And thankit be ]>e fair castell wall 
Quhare as I quhilom lukit furth and lent 
Thankit mot be the Sanctis marciall 
That me first causit hath this accident 
Thankit mot be the grene bewis bent 
Throu quhom and vnder first fortunyt one 
My hertis hele and my confort to be 




For to the presence suete and delitable, 

Rycht of this floure that full is of plesance, 

By processe and by menys fauorable, 
First of the blisfull goddis purueyance, 
And syne throu long and trew contynuance 

Of veray faith in lufe and trew seruice, 

I cumin am, and forthir in this wise. 


Vn worthy, lo, bot onely of hir grace. 

In lufis 30k, that esy is and sure. 
In guerdoun fair of all my lufis space 

Sche hath me tak, hir humble creature. 

And thus befell my blisfull auenture, 
In jouth, of lufe, that now from day to day, 
Flourith ay newe, and 3it forthir, I say. 


Go litill tretise, nakit of eloquence. 
Causing simplese and pouertee to wit. 

And pray the reder to haue pacience 
Of thy defaute, and to supporten it, 
Of his gudnese thy brukilnese to knytt, 

And his tong for to reulen and to stere, 

That thy defautis helit may ben here. 


AUace ! and gif thou cummyst in the presence, 
Quhare as of blame faynest thou wald be quite. 

To here thy rude and crukit eloquens, 
Quho sal be thare to pray for thy remyt ? 
No wicht, bot geve hir merci will admytt 

The for gud will, that is thy gyd and stere. 

To quham for me thou pitousely requere. 

CXCII. 7. I cum am and jit, S. ; cumen, W. 
CXCIII. 3. eke, S. CXCIV. 6. reulen, S. 

CXCV. I. cummyst ( = cum'st) in the presence, W. W. ; In presence, S 



For to the presence suete and delitable 
Rycht of this floure ]>at full Is of plesance 
By process^ and by menys fauorable 
First of lj>e blisfull goddis p«rueyance 
And syne throu long and trew contyrauance 
Of veray faitS In lufe and trew s^ruice 
I cuwin am and forthir In this wis^ 

Vnworthy lo bot onely of hir grace 
In lufis 30k that esy is and sure 
In guerdoun of all my lufis space 
Sche hath me tak hir humble creature 
And thus befell my blisfull auenture 
In jouth of lufe that now from day to day 
Flourith ay newe and jit forthir I say 

Go litill tretis^ nakit of eloquence 
Causing simplest and pouertee to wit 
And pray the reder to haue pacience 
Of thy defaute and to supporten It 
Of his gudnes? thy brukilnes^ to knytt 
And his tong for to reule and to stere 
That thy defautis helit may ben here 

AUace and gif thou cuwzmyst In ]?e presence 
Quhare as of blame faynest thoK wald be quite 
To here thy rude and crukit eloquens 
Quho salbe thare to pray for thy remyt 
No wicht bot geve hir merci will admytt 
The for gud will that Is thy gyd and stere 
To quham for me thou pitous^ly requere 



And thus endith the fatall influence, 

Causit from hevyn, quhare power is commytt 

Of gouirnance, by the magnificence 
Of Him that hiest in the hevin sitt : 
To Quham we thank that all oure lyf hath writt, 

Quho coutht it red, agone syne mony a jere, 

Hich in the hevynnis figure circulere. 


Vnto the ympis of my maisteris dere, 

Gowere and Chaucere, that on the steppis satt 

Of rethorike, quhill thai were lyvand here, 
Superlatiue as poetis laureate. 
In moralitee and eloquence ornate, 

I recommend my buk in lynis sevin. 

And eke thair saulis vnto the blisse of hevin. Amen. 

Explicit, &c. &c. 
Quod Jacobus Primtis, Scotorum Rex lUustrissimus. 

CXCVI. s. lifhath, S. CXCVII. i. the impnis, S. 

p ^'»>^^ -P^'fl-mp (UPJb,^. 
(f\ u^<7 ptfS^-fpi-Ax^-in ^^^-^Y -p" -ifry x-~n 


To /ace p. loi. 



And thus endith the fotall Influence 

Causit from hevyn quhare powar Is commytt 

Of gouirnance by the magnificence 

Of him that hiest In the hevin sitt 

To quham we think that all oure hath writt 

Quho coutht It red agone syne mony a 3ere 

Hich In the hevywnis figure circulere 

Vnto Inpnis of my mast^ris dere 
Gowere and chaucere that on ]>e steppis satt 
Of rethorike quhill thai were lyvand here 
Superlatiue as poetis laureate 
In moralitee and eloquence ornate 
I recowzmend my buk In lynis sevin 
And eke thair saulis vnto ]7e bliss^ of hevin Amen 

Explicit &c &c 

Quod lacobus Primus scoiorum rex Illustrissimus 


Sen throw vertew Incressis dignitie, 

And vertew is flour and rute of Nobles ay, 

Of ony wit or quhat estate thow be, 

His steppis follow, and dreid for none efFray : 

Eiect vice, and follow treuth alway, 5 

Lufe maist thy God, that first thy lufe began. 

And for ilk Inche he will the quyte ane span. 

Be not ouir proude in thy prosperitie, 

For as it cummis, sa it will pass away. 

The time to compt is schort, thou may weill se, 10 

For of grene gres sone cummis wallowit hay. 

Labour in treuth, quhilk suith is of thy fay, 

Traist maist in God, for he best gyde the can, 

And for ilk Inche he will the quyte ane span. 

Sen word is thrall, and thocht is only fre, 15 

Thow dant thy toung, that power hes and may, 
Thow steik thy Ene fra warldis vanitee, 
Refraine thy lust, and harkin quhat I say, 
Graip or thow slyde, and keip fiirth the hie way, 
Thow hald the fast vpon thy God and man, 20 

And for ilk Inche he will the quyte ane span. 

Quod King James the First. 

Bannatyne MS. 2. nobill-ray. 

3. vertewis estait that evir. — Duplex reading, stait. 

4. persew . the non. 5. Exyle all. • 6. most. 7. the quyt a. 
8. of. 9, so. 10. ma. 12. quhilllicht is of the day. 

13. most . . help. 14. as in 7. 15. wordis are. 

17. thyne. 18. Refrene . . and harkin. 

19. creip furth on the. 20. and keip thy faith thow aw to. 

21. as in 7. 



A^wt 't^jd*'^ i^'^p^ -(-Ct< o^e^^ 

^^*^ ^ e>^'p'>^' -^ ^^ ^^ '***'^ ■f^l^^'^- 

^*Wfc>- cf^^ A»»v- TA^dk) a^/Yn^f^X^ 


To /ace p. 103. 


Sen trew Vertew encressis dignytee 

And wertew floure and rut is of noblay, 

Of ony Weill, of quhat esstat thow bee, 

His steppis sew, and dreid the non affray : 

Exill all wyce, and folow treuthe al way : 5 

Luf most thi god, that fyrst thi lust began. 

And for ilk ynch he wyll the quyte a spane. 

Sen word is thrall, and thocht is only free, 

pow dant thi twnge, that powar has & may. 

Thow set thine erne fra worldly vanitee, lO 

Restren thi lust, and harkyne quhat I say. 

Stramp, or }7ow slyd, and crep furt one the way ; 

Kep thi behest one to thi lord, and thane 

Fore ilk ynch he will the quyt aspane. 



Here beginnith lj>e quare of lelusy 
Avis^, 3e gudely folkw, and see. 

This lusty mail, the quhich all tender flour/j 

By nature nurisith with hir hote schourn, 

The felde oureclad hath with ]7e tender grene 

Quhich all depaynt with diu^rs^ hewis bene, 

And euery thing makith to conuert 

Agayn the stroke of winter cold and smert : 

The samyn moneth and the sevynt Ide 

The Sonne, the quhich ]>at likith not to hyde 

His course, ascending In the Orient 

From his first gree, and forth his bemys sent, lo 

Throu quhich he makith euery lusty hert 

Out of thair sleuth to walkyn and astert 

And vnto maii to done thair obseruance. 

Tho fell It me In to remembrance 

Athing J>e quhich ]7at noyith me full sore 

That for to rest auailith me no more ; 

Bot walking furth vpoun the new grene, 

Tho was the ayer sobir and amene. 

And solitare, allone, without my fere, 

Vnto a bonk, quhare as a small ryuere 20 

Makith his course doun by a woddis syde, 

Quhois levis fair did all the bewis hyde, 

I past me furth, remembring to and fro 

All on this warldis changeing and his wo, 

5. (sche) makith. 9. (ascendit). 14. rememb(e)rance. 

15. A thing. 17. newe. 19. withoutyn fere. 


h-»^ ^ ^^^^y-*^ ^IK ^'^-^ ^"^"^ 

/prfx.- C»»n^ .~«»i** -wWfK'&'W^i^ J^^Tt. 



To /ace /. 104. 


And namely on ]?e sufFrance and ]>e peyne 

Quhich most hath do my carefull hert constreyne : 

The quhich as now me nedith not report. 

For thare Is non that likith to support 

Nor power has ; quharefor I will sustene, 

And to no wicht I will compleyne nor mene, 30 

Bot^sufFering furth as I haue done to fore 

Myn hevynes and wo : quhat Is thare more ? 

Wele long I walkit there, till at ]7e last 

Myn eye estward agayne the sonne I cast, 

Quhare as I saugh among the levis grene 

A lady, quhich that was ryght wele besene, 

And als fresch In hir beautee and array 

As j)e bricht sonne at rising of ]>e day. 

OflF coloure was sche lik vnto Ipe ros^, 

Boith quhite and red ymeynt ; and I suppose 40 

One gudliar^ that nature neuir wro^^t ; 

Of lustyhede ne lakkit sche ryght noght. 

My spirit coud noght resemble hir, nor gesse, 

Bot vnto Dyane, or sum hie goddesse. 

And preuely I hid me of entent 

Among the levis to here quhat sche ment. 

And forth a pass« sche walkit sobirly, 

There as I was ; and passing cam so ny 

That I persauit haue vpoun hir chere 

The cristall teris falling from hir eyne clere. 50 

It semyt wele that wo hir hert constreynit, 

Sche sorowit, sche sikit, sche sore compleynit ; 

So sobirly sche spak that I no myght 

Not here one word quhat ]?at sche said zxyght : 

Bot wele I herd sche cursit preualy 

The cruell vice of caus^les lelousy. 

Sche wepit so a quhile, till at J»e last 

With that hir woce and eyne to hevin sche cast 

And said : " goddesse Imeneus ! thou rewe 

32. Myne. 43. spreit. 4.6. here. 

50. fall from hir eyfin. 



Of me, In to the dangerous^ bound of newe 6o 

Ycome ; allace ! quhich be the caus? ]>at I 

Am turment thus, withoutyn caus^ or quhy, 

So sudaynly vnder joure strong lowe ; 

For It the quhich Is vnto me vnknowe : 

As als sekirly here In thy presence, 

Geue euirmore I didin suich offence 

The scharp deth mote perce me throuch l[>e hert 

So that on fute from hens I neuir astert : 

Nor neuirmore It was In myn entent, 

Thare of I am both hole and Innocent. 70 

And, gif I say fals^, Pluto ]7at Is king, 

Quhich the derk regioun hath in his gouijrnyng. 

Mote me In to his fyry cart do ta, 

As quhilom did he to Proserpina : 

And thare my body and my soule also 

With him ay duell In torment and In wo. 

O Dyane ! goddesse of fredome and of ese, 

Vnder quhom I haue bot thraldome and disese, 

Litill of treuth, of gladness, or plesance. 

So helpith me agayn this waryit chance. 80 

For of this gilt thou knowis wele my part. 

And Iupit«r that knowith euery hart 

Wote that I am sakeles^, me defende ! 

Ne for no want nor for to haue commend 

Not say I this, for here nys non bot 3e, 

Of thilk hid thing that knowith ]>e veritee ; 

And sen thou wote Ipat my complaynt Is treuth, 

Off pitee than compassioun haue and reuth ; 

My life to gone mak on ane othir dance. 

Or me delyuer of this warldis chance ; 90 

Quhich Is to say that efter, as I deserue. 

That I may lyve, or sodaynly to sterue." 

And thus apoun the goddis can sche crye. 

And euir among sche cursit lelousye ; 

63. stronge. 65. Als sekirly as ; And als, B. 

66. did ane, did in, B. 67. scharpfi. 72. in gouernyng. 

78. Off quhom. 83. And wote. 86. Of ilk. 


With that sche sichit with a rjght pitous^ chere : 

Allace ! gret reuth hir pleynyng was to here ; 

Hir coloure, quhich that was so fair to sene, 

It changit oft, and wexit pale and grene. 

Hir to behold thare was no gentill hert 

Than he schuld haue compassioun of hir smert, 100 

To sene from hir lusty eyne auaille 

The glett^ring t&ris, als thik as ony haile, 

As thai descendet, from the ayr abone 

Vpoun the lusty colourit ros^ in lune, 

Quhen thai ar fairest on thair stalkzV newe ; 

So was the terzV vpoun hir fresch hewe. 

Allace hir chere ! allace hir countenance ! 

For to behald It was a grete pennance. 

And as I was vprising for to go 

To confort hir and counsele of hir wo, no 

So come one othir lady, hir allone, 

The nerrest way vnto hir Is sche gone : 

And one thai tuo ysamyn gan to fare, 

Bot quhens thai past I can no^^t 30U declare. 

Bot quhen that thai out of my sicht were gone. 

And I in wod belevit me allone. 

My goste hath take In sad remembmng 

This ladies chere and wofuU compleynyng, 

Quhich to my hert sat full very nere ; 

And to my selfe I thoght In this manere : 120 

Quhat may this mene ? quhat may this signifie ? 

I can noght wit quhat is the caus^ or quhy 

This lady suffrit this strong aduersitee ; 

For, as me think, In erde suld no thing be 

Possible to ony wicht of wele willing 

As ony richess^ or hertzV cherising, 

And euery thing according to plesance. 

Than sche thare of suld haue full suffisance 

To gladin hir and plesyn with thair chere, 

Bot deth of lufe or deth of frendis dere, 130 

100. Bot he. loi. seng. 106. freschg. 

116. I above line in MS. 119. herte. 123. sufFrith. 

125. wele- willing. 128. That sche. 


Quhich is Inpossible for to bring ageyn. 
For thing possible, me thing, sche suld no^^t 

pleyne ; 
For sche for fairhede and for suete having 
Myght wele accorde for ony wicht lyving. 
Bot tho It fell In to my fantasy 
How sche so oftsys^ cursit lelousy : 
Than thouth I thus : gife lyvis ony wicht 
Quhich fynd In to his cherlisch hert myght 
Thus for to turment suich one creature. 
To done hir wo, to done hir payne endure : 140 

Now wele I wote It Is no questioun 
There lyveth none In to |>is erth adoun, 
Bot he cumtnyn of sum cherlisch kynd, 
For othir wayis, forsuth, I can no^At fynd 
He suich one lady wold In ony way displese. 
Or harme to do to hir honoar or hir es^ : 
Be as be may, ^it my consate me gevith 
This lelousye, the quhich J»flt sche repreuith, 
Annoyith hir : and so It may wele be 
Ofe euill condicioun euirmore Is he, 150 

As ]7e Deuill ay birnyng In to hate. 
Full of discorde and full of fresi? consate. 
How euir It stonde, 3it for this ladies sak 
Samekle occupacioun schall I tak 
Furth with for to syttyn doun and writt 
Of lelouse folk sum thing In to dispitt ; 
And quho be wroth, or quho be blith, here I 
Am he the quhich that sett no thing thareby. 
For ladyes schall no caus« haue, gif I may, 
Thame to disples^ for no thing schall I say 160 

And gif I do. It Is of negligence 
And lak of co«nyng and of eloquence, 

131. impossible. 132. me think. 133. suete-having. 

137. tho^^t ; thoucht, B. 138. herte. 

143. Bot he be, B. 145. one and in redundant. 

146. to after harme, and do both written above line, to redundant. 

152. ferse. 154. Samekle. 155. Als furth with. 


For It Is no thing in to myn entent 

To say the thing schall mak thame discontent : 

Nor 3it no faithfull lover to disples^, 

Nor schewe nothing In contrare of thair es^, 

Nor of no wicht of gude condycioun, 

Bot of this wickit ymaginacioun, 

Quhich by his name Is clepit lelousye, 

That euery louere hatith of Inuy ; 170 

And thouch all suich were wode in thair entent 

As Hercules^, quhen he him seluen brent, 

Or cursit Nero, quhen he his p^rile sawe. 

Of his own bond ymurderit and yslawe. 

Ne rek I not, nor geve I of thame charge, 

Lat thame go saile all in pe Deuillis barge : 

And quhethir thay flete or In to hell synk 

3it schall I writen eftir as I think. 

And 3e louerzV ]>zt stondith furth In treuth, 

Menyt eke, compassioun haue and reuth, 180 

How ladies evill demanit ar oftsys^ 

By this foule wrech : go ! helpith him dispis^. 

And to compleyne thair treuth and Innocence, 

That mekle sufFrith throuch thair owin pacience : 

And of my termes and my rude endite 

Excusith me, sett thai be Inperfyte, 

Beseking 30M at lovis hie reuerence, 

Takith gude will in stede of eloquence. 

For as I can, non othir wyse I may. 

Thus I begyn, and on this wis^ I say. 190 

O tendir 3outh, ]7at stant In Innocence, 
Grundid on treuth, sadnes, and pacience, 

Wowmen I mene, all vicis contempnyng. 
That void I bene of euery violeras. 
And full of pitee and beneuolence, 

177. do synk. 180. Inuyit eke. 182. Displeis, B. 

191. Stand, B. 194- ay bene ; ay, B. 


Humble and wise, ryght sobir and bening, 
And full of merci vnto euery thing 
In sufFrance, scant of mony grete oiFens^, 
Full paciently In to this erth lyving 

Vnder thraldome and ma«nis subiectioun : 200 

And mekly suiFrith thair correctioun. 

Allace, ye wo ! allace, ]>e sad greuance ! 
3e suiFering men of euill condicioun, 
Quhich hath no pitee and lakkith discrecioun, 

And bene ysett vnder thair gouirnance. 

3oure suffering thare Is mony one hard mischance, 
3oure fairhede goth, joar ^outh Is bro^At a doun 

With weping teris ay full of strong penance. 

haaeris compleyne, and euery gentill wicht 2i0 

Help for to mene, help for to waill a ryght ; 

Compassioun haue, and reuth vpoun ]7e nede, 
In helping and supporting at joar myght 
Thame quhich J>at of 30ure gladness is ]7e licht, 

That Is to say all lusty womanhede, 

Quhich 30« In lufe and cheualry doth fede 
But quhom this warldis gladness from his hicht 

Schold sone avale and fallyn out of drede. 

In to this erth quhat Is our gladness here. 
Iff that we lak ]7e presence and ]>e chere 

Of thame that bene this word/V hole plesance ? 220 

Quhat ar we worth, gif that thair help ne were ? 
All vertuous^ wowman Salamon holdith dere, 

And mekle worth of thair gouirnance : 

Thai ar oure es^, thai ar cure suffisance : 
From vicious^ wowzmen passith my matere. 

Thai most all gone apoun one othir dance. 

198. ony grete. 203. sufFeren ; In suiFering, B. 

220. worldis ; warldis, B. 223. worth is. 


Allace, the wo ! (quho can it specify ?) 
That wowmen sufFren ay withoutyn quhy 

Into this erth In dangere and In vere ; 
And to recist agaynis tyranny 230 

Is no Defense ; thai haue to pas thareby 

Bot weping with the terw of thair chere, 

With syking, wailling, pleyning, and prayere ; 
And euerich thing sustene thai paciently : 

Thus livith ay thir sely women here. 

This mene I all be wickit men oftsysf, 
That giltles dooth thir ladies to supprj'S^ 

Withoutyn caus« of ony maner thing, 
And namely, by thair varyit tyrawnyis, 
The cruelteis, the wikkitnes "pat lyis 240 

In lelousy and fals^ ymagynyng, 

Quhich harmyth all this world by his demyng, 
Of quhom I think sum thing to deuis^ 

And schewe to 30U here eftir my co«nyng. 

Quho schall me help, allace ! for to endite, 
For to be waill, to compleyne, and to write 

This vice that now so large is and commoun ? 
What sail I say ? quhom sail I awite ? 
For hie nor law Is non estate to quite, 

Now all hath fele of thilke poysoun. 250 

Allace ! this fals^ and wickit condicioun 
The lustyhede and euery glade delyte 

Hath of ]7is world full nere yhroght a doun. 

For in lj>e tyme was of oure eld^ris old 
Quhen lelousy abhomiwable was hold, 

Quhare ofe eschamith euery noble wy. 
Than was thir ladies eu^r In hono«r hold, 
Thair lustyhede, quhich causith mony fold 

230. agaynis. 237. thair. 243. for to deuise. 

246. bewaill. 248. and quhom. 253. adoun. 


Fredome, gentriji?, disport, and cheualry : 
Thai syng, thai dance, and makith company. 260 

Thame to defame was non ]>at durst nor wold. 
As now thai do withoutyn caus^ or quhy. 

And jit I wote ]7ir ladies bene echone 
Als trew and sad as ony tyme aygone, 

And ar to blame als litill or repreue ; 
Bot now thai mon thame vttirly dispone 
To duell as doth J>e anker In ];e stone, 

Yf that thai think vndemyt for to leve ; 

So fast encressyn can this fals^ beleue 
That In this world fewe ladyes ar, or none, 270 

Quhich schall vnscland^rit from his tong escheve. 

For ife sche makith chere or company. 
As they were wount, he raisith vp his cry ; 

And yfe sche loke, he lugith of hir thoght ; 
And sett sche loke or speke vnto no wy, 
3it euill he demith In his fantasy ; 

And be sche glad or wele besene In oucht, 

This tyrane saith It Is nat do for nocht. 
Allace ! by him the harm withoutyn ony quhy 

Is euery day In to this world ywro^At. 280 

And ife a spouse stant with this vice, I wys 
All thing is said, all thing Is Vfioght amys 

In his consate ; and gif that ony way 
Fro home he goth, his spy he schall noght mys, 
That feynith tailis, no thing as It Is, 

To plesyn him, for sum thing mon he say : 

Than goth all rest, than goth all pes away ; 
Farewele of lufe the gladness and J>e blis, 

Fro he cum home als ferfuth as he may. 

264. agone ; ygone. 279. ony redundant, B. 

281. scant, B. 285. ^it no. 289. ferfurth, B. 


And 3it to hir Is double wo and grame, 290 

For thouch that he be gilty In lj>e same 

Full mony a lady nothing dare sche say ; 
And jit thir ladies In lelousy to blame 
Ar no^^t as men, for men haith now no schame 

To be In love as double as ]7ai may : 

Thir ladies thus full mony a caus« haue thay ; 
And thouch he speke, It hind^rit noght his name ; 

And ife sche loke, It harmith hir all way. 

This may be clept a wrech in till his mynd, 

For, as we may In old bukis fynd, 300 

In lak of hert ay stant this maladye. 
To him ]>e quhich supposith aye behind. 
And verreis to stond in lufis kynd. 

For Salamoun saith " ane noble hert nor eye 

Haith to enquere of ladis, nor espye. 
Nor thame misdeme In to thair treuth vnkind," 

As doth this wrech, lj>at hot is lelusye ; 

OfF quhom In to co«tempnyng and dispite 
My will is gude for to declare and write, 

Suppose of wit I empty be and bare ; 310 

Thou Ecco ! quhich of chiding Is p^rfyte, 
I the beseke thou helpith me to flyte, 

And Thesiphone, thou lord of wo and care. 

So helpith me this mater to declare 
On lelousy his malice to acquyte 

With the supplee of euery trewe lufare. 

Here efter folowis the trety In the reprefe of lelousye. — 

The passing Clerk, the grete philosophoure 

Sydrake, enspirit of hevinly Influence, 
Quhich holdyn was In to his tyme ]7e floure 

Of clergy, wis^dome, and intelligence, 320 

In to his buk» declarith this sentence 

297. hinderith. 300. Into. 303. for (?) to stond. 

305. Hatith ... or. 306. Or . . . vnto. 


To Bokas King, amang his doctrins sere, 
Off lelousy, and saith In this manere. 

He clepith It foly of one Ignorant, 

The quhich euill humonV makith to procede. 

As hert corrupt, or, quho It list to hant, 
Malancholy. It raisith vp, but drede. 
That lust of slepe, of mete, or drink of dede ; 

And wit of man confusith It all plane 

With this hote feuir that Is cotidiane. 330 

And suth It Is by resoun as we fynd 

That this suspicioun and this lelousye 
Is and cumwith of J>e veray kynd 

Of Herubus, the quhich ]>at of Invye 

The fad^r is, and be this resoun quhy 
For euirmore In rancoure and in Ire 
As Ethena he birnyth in ]7e fyre. 

Thus with ]?e cheyne of sorow Is he bound 

Furth in this world full of aduersitee. 
His frendschip to no wicht It schall be found. 340 

Quhy in him self ay at debate is he, 

Withoutyn lufe, withoutyn cheritee ? 
In his consate and his ymagynyng 
Ay to the worst he demith euery thing. 

That in this erth lyueth thare no wicht 

Of no condicioun nor of no degree, 
In his presence ]7at wisedome has nor micht 

To reule himself In ony wyse than he 

Schall deme thareof amys, yset he be 
Als chaste, als trew, and reule him self als wele 350 

As euir hath do ]>e prophete Daniele. 

333. Is born. 345. 311 lyueth. 


For euery thoght and luke and countenance 

Suspect he holdith In to his demyng, 
And turnyth all to harm and to mischance. 

This tygir with his fals? ymagynyng 

lith as a deuill In to this erth lyving, 
Contenyng aye In anger and In hate, 
Both with him self and otheris at debate. 

But cheritee thus euirmore he levith, 

Quhich Crist of wedding clepith the habyte, 360 

But quhilk of hevin euery wicht beleuyth, 

But of ]>e bliss^ and of ]7e fest Is quyte. 

And Paule thus to J»e Corinthies doth write 
Off faith, of hope, and eke of cheritee ; 
The last lj>e most he clepith of ]>e thre. 

And he declarith In ]7e samyn chapture 
That thouch men be as angelis eloquent, 

Or all thair gudis gyvith to lj>e pure, 

Or 3it for Crist ysuffering suich turment 

To be yslawe, ymart^rit, or brent, 370 

Or doth all gude the quhich ]7at may be wroght, 

And lakkith cheritee, all It auailit noght. 

And euery wicht, jjat hath discrecioun, wote 
That quho thus lyvith In to lelousye, 

In Ire and malice birnyth ay full bote, 
From worldis loy and hevinly companye 
Excludit ar^ thus thro« thair fals^ Inuye ; 

And oft thareof cuwzmith mischance 

As strife, debate, slaucht^r, and vengeance ; 

Quhare of I coud ane hundreth samplis tell 380 

Of stories olde the quhich I lat oure go ; 

And als that In this tyme present befell, 
Amongis quhilk we fynd how one of tho 
His lady sleuch and syne him selfe also. 

369. ysufFeren. 372. auailith noght. 375. birnyng. 

378. thare curamith suich, B. 


In this Ilk lond withoutyn ony quhy 
But onely for his wickit gelousy. 

OfF quhich full mony ensample may we fynde 
Of olde ygone and new experiment, 

That quho this gilt hauntith In his mynd 

It hath been cause quhy mony one were schent, 390 
Sum sleuch him self and sum of euill entent 

From Innocentis bereving oft ]>e lyfe, 

Sum sleuch his lady and other sum his wife. 

And lelousye hath euir suich a tong 

That from the malice of his hert pracedith, 

By quhich that sclander wyde quhare is rong 

And Crist he saith, " ]>at quhom of sclander dredith 
Wo be to him !" and, more, vnto him bedith 

Away the sclanderouse member for to kerue, 

Quhich dampnyth 30M eternaly to sterue. 400 

And the first verteu, as poetis can declare, 
Is tong with wysedome to refreyne and stere, 

Quhich vnto god Is nerest euirmare ; 

And Salamoun saith, " fer better ]7«t It were 
AUone to duell with lyo«ns, than be nere 

A sclanderouse tong of chiding and of hate :" 

So odiouse he holdith suche debate. 

A poete saith " that neuir more Is pes, 
Quhare suich a tong hath dominacioun, 

Nor 3it the tong the quhich ]>at can no^^t ces , 410 

Ay schewing his euill ymagynacioun, 
And hath of langage no more discrecioun 

Than he the quhich ]>at talkith in his slepe ; 

Nor vnto him aucht no wicht takyn kepe." 

389. into. 396. wydequhare ; wyde (al) quhare, B. 

403. evirmore, B. 


Approvit Is by resoun and scripture 
Of Crist and his apostlis euirilkone, 

By prophetis, doctourzV, poetis, and nature, 

Off quhom this vice, of quhom this gilt Is tone, 
And quhens he cuwmith and quhid^r he schall 

Quhich Is to say, ]>at lelousy, at schort, 420 

Cowmyth of ]>e deuill, and thedir schall resort. 

As onys of one Emp^roure we rede, 
One haly man, and clepit was Henry, 

In prayer, fasting, and in almous^ dede ; 
And for no caus^ bot for his lelousye, 
The quhich he caucht, and for non othir quhy, 

Vpoun his lufe trew and Innocent, 

Efter his deth he come to lugement. 

And thare, as In to reuelacioun 

Till one of oure fad^ris old was sene, 430 

He had ressauit his owin dampnacioun 
For ]je Ilk gilt of lelusy, I mene. 
Had no^^t Laurence the blisfuU martyr bene 

By merci of oure blisfull salvatoure : 

Suich Is ]>e fyne of all |»is fals^ erroure. 

And quhare, of long. It hath bene said or this 
" That of hote lufe ay cuwzmith lelousye," 

That sentence Is interpret to amys ; 

And, schortly said, noght vnderstand ]>e quhy. 

For It Is noght for to presume thareby 440 

That lelousye, quhich is of vice J>e ground, 

Is in to lufe or in a lufare found. 

For lelousy, the quhich of lufe ]>at usith. 
Is clept nothing bot of a simple drede. 

As quhen thir lufar/i remembrith and avisith. 
Sum of thair wo and sum apoun thair nede. 
And sum of gladness ]>at doth of lufe procede 

425. his false, B. 427. So trew ; Baith trew, B. 

428. Cometh, B. 430. old faderis It. 

432. For thilke gilt (?). ' 444. clepit, B. 447. glaidness, B. 


Throuch quhich thair hertis brynt ar In ]>e fyre, 
Sum of grete raddoure and sum of bote desire. 

That euery thing thai doubt ]>at may thame make 450 

Of lufe \>e grettest plesance to for go, 
Throuch quhich sum lufaris hath suich drede ytake 

That It to thame Is hevynes and wo ; 

Bot natw/tAstonding ay thai reule thame so 
Thair drede It Is to euery wicht vnknowe, 
Thame likith not to sclander nor to schowe. 

Thir lelousyis full diu^rs^ ar of kynd, 

The tone It harmith to no creature 
Bot secrete ded and symple, as we fynd 

That lufaris In to lufing most endure, 460 

That othir bereth all one othir cure, 
He scland^rith, feynyth, defamith, and furth criyth. 
And lufe and euery lufar he Inuyith. 

O wofull wrech and wickit euill consate ! 

O fals^ suspicioun, nurist full of hate, 

In hevin and erth ])i harm is boith ywritte ! 

O cruell serpent aye leving In awayte ! 

O sclandfrous« tong, fy on thy dissayte ! 

Quhare that thou lovith thou feynyth, ]>at ypocrite. 
That thou art lelous^ lufe thow gevith J7e wyte : 470 

Thou leis thare of, as ]>at I schall declare 

To vnderstand to euery trewe lufare. 

For euery wicht ]>at Is with lufe ybound, 
And sad and trewe In euery faith yground. 

Syne likith no^At to varye nor eschewe, 
Rather suffer schall he ]>e dethis wound 
Than In to him schall ony thing be found 

That to this lady may displease or greue. 

Or do to hir or to hir fame reprefe, 

451. forgo. 454. noghtwithstanding, B. 

456. noght, B. 459. dred (?)• 

467. lying In awayte. 468. fy, fy on. 469. thou ypocrite. 

474. verray faith. 478. his lady, B. 479. Or to do, B. 


For his desire is althir most to se 480 

Hir stand In honoure and in prosperitee. 

And contrair this thy cursit violence 
Staunt ay for quhy : lj>i scland^rous^ offense 

Harmith thy lady most of ony wy, 
Quhich stryvith euir agayn hir Innocence 
That hath no suerd hot suiFrance znd pacience 
For to resist agaynis hir Inymy, 
The quhich thou art ; and be J>zs resoun quhy : 
Thou virkith that quhich may hir most anoye, 
That Is to say, hir worschip to distroye. 490 

For eu^ry lady of honoar and of fame 
Less^ settith of hir deth than hir gud name ; 

Oft be experiment prouith It Is so 
OflF mony o lady, quhich done ]>e same, 
Rather chesyn can thair deth than blame, 

So lovyn thai thair honoure euirmo. 

Fy on ]>e, wrech 1 fy on J)e, lufis fo 1 J 

That for to sclandi?r hath no schame nor drede 
The Innocence and fame of womanhede. 

Quhat helpith ]>e be clepit hir lovare, 5°° 

Syne doith all thing ]>at most is hir contrare ? 
Quhat s^ruyth It ? quhat vaillith It of ocht ? 

For go thy lady schall thou euirmare ; 

And set hir cors« be thine, 3it I declare 
Hir hert Is gone, It s^ruyth ]>e of nocht, 
Thare is no lufe quhare ]>at such thing is wrocht ; 

And thouch sche wold, It Is, as tho« may fynd, 

Contrair to lufe, to resoun, and to kynd. 

Thus of ]>i lady makis thou thy fo, 

Quhois hert of resoun most thou nede forgo 510 

Be thyne owin gilt : may nothing It appese ; 

483. Staunt ay ; for quhy, B. 487. resiste, B. 

493. provit. 494. a, hath done, B. 495. And rather. 

497. Fy on the wrech ! B. 502. Quhat sayith, B. 503. Forgo. 


And euery othir lady schall also 
Ensample tak to aduenture euirmo 

Vnder thine bond thair hono«r or thair es^ ; 

And yfe thai do suppose thai haue dises^', 
Quho schall thame mene of weping eve and morowe, 
Quhich seith to fore sen ry«nyth on thair sorowe ? 

To euery lady schortly I declare 

That thare thou art beith thare neuirmare 

Rest nor quyete, treuly to conclude, 520 

Nor grace, nor es^, nor lyving In welefare, 
Bot euery thing of gladness In his contrare. 

For barane ay thou art and destitude 
OiF euery thing that soundith vnto gude : 

A lady rather schuld hir deth ytake 
Than suich a wrech till have on to hir make. 

Quhare is J>i w^it or thy discrecioun 
Quhich be thine euill ymaginacioun 

In sevs^ing thingis the quhich ]>at bene vnknewre ? 
Quhat helpith the thy fals^ suspicioun ? 530 

Or quhat auailith thy w^ickit condicioun 

To sayne or done ]>at thou most efter rewre ? 

O nyce foole, thine owin harm for to schewe ! 
Drink no^^t Ipe poysoun sene to fore thine eye. 
Lest thou corrupt and venymyt be thare by. 

For yf Ipe lestith as thou hath begonne 
Of lelousy to drinkyn of ]>e tonne, 

Thare thy confiisioun sene is ]>e before, 
Thou wro yneuch vnto thy self hath wonne : 
Fare wele of lufe, thy fortune is yronne, 540 

Thy ladyis dangere hath thoK euirmore ; 

For thy condicioun greueth hir so sore 
And all ]7i lufe furth driuith in penance 
With hevynes, and suffering grete mischance. 

513. neuirmo. 519. quhare thou art, B. 522. In contrare. 

526. onto. 529. Is sewing. 533. nyce, sewe (?). 543. Jyfe (?^. 


For It hath bene and aye schall be also 

Throuck lelousy : In angir and In wo 
Enduryn schall thy wrechit cursit life 

Yfret ly^ht by the suerd of cruell syte a two : 

Thy stormy tho^^t ay walking to and fro 

As doth ]>e schip among ]>e wawis dryve, 550 

And noght to pas and note quhare to aryve, 

Bot ay in drede fiirth sailith eve znd morowe, 

So passith thou thy world is courss' In sorowe. 

(3it) scharp wo doth so ]>i dredfuU goste bete 

(That a)s ]>e tree is by the wormis frete 
(So) art thou here ay wastit a.nd ybrent, 

(An)d birnyng as ]?e tigir ay In hete. 

(Qu)ho lyvth nowe ])at can J»i wo repete ? 

(And of ) thy selfe thou sufFrith such torment, 
(M)oving to deth ay in ]7in owen entent; 560 

(Thi)ne owin harm consumith J>e and anoyith, 

(And eke) Jji body and "pi soiile distroyith. 

(For) sith It is thou failith not one of two, 

(Th)at Is to say, Into this erth : In wo 
Ay to endure, therefter to be schent 

(Eterna)ly withoutyn ony ho : 

(And wele) accordith It for to be so. 
(He) is thy lord : the fader of haterent, 
(Fro) quhens that cu»2mith euery euill entent, 

(Quhoi)s luve thou ay full besyly conseraiih, 570 

(For) thy desert rewardith the and s^ruith. 

549. waltmng. 551. and note to pas, B. 

554-573. Here are occasional defects in MS. The lacuna are supplied by 

Bannatyne Club editor as noted below. 
554. For, B. (scharp wo doth so thi dredfuU goste ybete). 
555 556. as in Text. 557- (fy'O- 559. Bot in. 

560. Leving. 561. Thyne. 562. And both. 

563. Bann. ed. (Bot.) suth (?). 564. As in Text. 

565. Still to endure. (B. E.) 

566-575. As in Text except 568 where quAo is supplied. 
569. thare cummith. 570. consumith, B. 


(Thu)s may ])ou fynd ]>at proiBt Is thare non 
(In Ie)lousy : tharefore thou fe dispone, 

my counsele Is playnly ; and for see 
This fantasy to leve, quhich thow hath tone ; 
And furth among gud falouschip thou gone, 

lyving In ese and In prosperitee 

And love, and eke with ladies lovit be ; 
gif so ]>e likith not, I can no more. 

Thus I conclude, schortly ; as for me 580 

Quho hath ]>e worst I schrew him euirmore. 

3ou louerw all ry^At hertly I exhort 

This litill write helpith to support, 

Excusith It, and tak no maner hede 

To the endyte ; for It most bene of nede. 

Ay simpill wit furth schewith sympilnes? 

And of vnco«nyng cuwmith aye rudnes^. 

Bot sen here ar no termes eloquent 

Belevith the dyte and takith J»e entent, 

Quhich menyth all In contrair lufis fo, 590 

And how thir ladies tarment bene in wo 

And suffrith payne and eke gret violence 

Into thair treuth and in thair innocence. 

As daily be experience may be sene ; 

The quhich, allace ! grete harm K to sustene. 

Thus I conclude with pitouse hert and meke. 

To euery god ]}at regnyth I beseke 

Aboue the erth, J»e watir, or ]7e aire, 

Or on ]>e fire, or pt In wo and care, 

Or jit in turment, slaucht«r, or mischance, 600 

Or mycht or power hath to done vengeance 

In to )»is erth, or wickitnes« distroye : 

That quho thir ladyis likith to anoye, 

574. thou forsee, B. 580. and schortly. 

583. write. 589. Levith. 

^^y ft<:\b #»J &>->« :^i^->»4-&.-,^»„-vtoi 


To /cue p. 123. 


Or jit thare fame or jit thaire es^ engrewe, 
mote suffryn here and fallyn grete mischewe 
In to this erth, syne with J»e falouschip of hell 
In body and soule eternaly mot duell. 

Explicit Qaod auch — . 


A. — Date of the Capture of King James I. 

Mr. Brown has conclusively proved that James was seized by the 
English in the spring of 1406. This might have been evident, in 
spite of the errors of Wyntoun and others, if their readers had 
noted that there was no dispute about the date of the King's 
return to Scotland in 1424, and that the almost unvarying 
testimony was that he had been a prisoner for eighteen years. 
Confirmation of the year of capture is given by an interesting 
document in Rymer headed Pro Mercatoribus Scotiae. It is of 
date September 3, 1406, seventh year of the reign of Henry IV. 
It has another interesting aspect. It gives a glimpse of the attitude 
of Albany and of the English King. King James is never alluded 
to, but that it is his capture that led to the loss of Scottish gear 
can scarcely be doubted, as his captors were of Clay ; and the 
probability is that John Jolyf with his many attorneys was the 
leader of the enterprise. 

" The King to his beloved John Remys, Esquire, William 
Brygge, James Billyngford, and Thomas Stodehawe, Attorneys 
of John Jolyf of Clay and his fellows, as is said, and to each one 
of them greeting : 

" On the part of the Rothesay King-at-Arms of Scotland, 
Commissioner-General for the King and Kingdom of Scotland 
with respect to all attacks made, as is said, upon the sea after the 
beginning of a truce agreed upon between Us and those of Scotland, 
a petition has been made to Us that — 

" Whereas divers contracts between you and the aforesaid 
Rothesay are in existence with respect to the delivery of certain 



goods and merchandise of divers merchants, lately taken upon 
the sea by the aforesaid John Jolyf and his fellows, 

" According as by certain Indentures thereafter made between 
you and the aforesaid Rothesay, as is said, it shall possibly more 
fully appear : 

"Which agreements indeed, according to the form of the 
aforesaid Indentures, you have delayed, and still delay to imple- 
ment, to the no little loss of these merchants, 

" That We may be willing graciously to provide for a remedy 
in this respect 

" We, unwilling that in this matter justice should be delayed 
with regard to these merchants, command you that, if it is so, you 
on your part then cause to be firmly observed and kept all and 
each of the agreements contained in the aforesaid Indentures in 
so far as ye are bound according to the tenor of the Indentures 

" Holding yourselves in such wise and so justly in the Premises 
that the same Rothesay, on the part of the said merchants, should 
have no cause on this account to have further recourse to Us. 

" The King witnessing at the town of Leicester on the third 
day of September 

" By the King Himself." 

B. — The Murder of King James I. 

The simplest record is that given by Bower in the Scotichronicon, 
and for this part of his work the historian is a contemporary 
writer. He is brief, giving few details. The most elaborate 
account is contained in The Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis. It is a 
translation from a Latin original by an English subject, John 
Shirley, and from it have been derived all the picturesque details 
usually given in histories of the King's journey to Perth, his 
meeting with a Highland woman who warned him again and 
again of his danger, of the last night of his life and of his great 
strength and courage in the struggle with his murderers. Shirley's 
narrative gives also minute details of the torture and death of the 
leading conspirators. It is a moving story, and, without doubt, 
some of the particulars must be authentic. But on many points it 


is evidently mythological, especially in the dialogue between the 

King and his murderers in the cellar where he had sought refuge. 

James is represented as pleading for his life, and offering half his 

kingdom to Sir Robert Graham if he will spare him. Next to 

its art, the most striking feature of this account is the writer's 

admiration of Graham. In his plotting, in his actual conflict, in 

his willingness at the last to shew mercy, and in his spirited 

defence at his trial he is painted as more heroic than criminal. 

The story is rounded off with a moral : " And thus endyn thes 

sorofuU and pitous cronycles ; and alle men saye that the 

unsacionable covtise was the ground cause of the Kynges dethe. 

Tharefore prynces shuld take hede and drawe it to thare memorie 

of Maistre Johanes de Moigne counsell, thus said yn Frenche 


II nest pas sires de sone pays, 
Quy de son peple (n) est amez," 

(Maitland Club volume.) 

Among other facts mentioned is this: the papal legate was 
confessor of the criminals. 

The account in the Chrontcon is short. The statement about 
the bravery of Katharine Gordon is found in Boece. 

C. — The Scribes of the Two Quairs. 

Much light would be thrown on the authorship of the Kingis 
Quair, if the actual date of transcription and, still more, if the 
identity of the transcribers could be determined. Dr. George 
Neilson, Glasgow, a highly accomplished scholar in Middle Scots 
and in Scottish history, discussed the personality of the chief scribe 
in an Aihenceum special article — December i6, 1899 — and he came 
to the conclusion that the scribe was James Graye, secretary 
successively to Archbishop Schevez and the Duke of Ross, and 
illuminator of the MS. of the Scotichronicon copied in 1480 by 
John Ramsay. Dr. Neilson gave it also as his opinion that Graye 
was the scribe of all the earlier portion of the MS. except the 
entry on folio 191 verso about the authorship and title of the 
Quair. His chief grounds for believing that Graye was the scribe 
are the similarity of the handwriting to that of the Gray MS., 


and the fact that the entry about the birth of James IV., on 
folio 120, is repeated in an abbreviated form on folio 20 verso 
of the Gray MS. in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh. (Graye 
is probably the Jacobus Gray whose name is on the St. Andrews 
University Register as a determinant in 1470, and a licentiate in 
Arts in 1472.) 

On such a matter, without special qualification, it is not wise to 
be dogmatic. Personally, I am disposed to agree with Dr. Neilson 
that the Gray MS. and Arch. Selden B. 24, from folio 2 to 191 
verso except the entry on the last page, are in the same hand- 
writing, such differences as exist being due to the very minute 
character of the script of the Gray MS. Mr. W. K, Dickson, 
Advocates' Librarian, who kindly gave me the benefit of his 
special knowledge, is of a different opinion. He thinks it probable 
that the first scribe of the Quair was also the scribe of the earlier 
portion of the MS. volume. On the other hand Dr. Maitland 
Thomson, the former head, and the Rev. John Anderson, the 
present head of the Scottish Record Office, are emphatically 
against Dr. Neilson's opinion on this point. These experts are 
doubtful about the second scribe of the Kingis Quair being also the 
scribe of the Quare of Jelusy, but they are for rather than against. 
Mr. Dickson and Mr. Maitland Anderson are unfavourable, and 
in this opinion I concur. Dr. W. A. Craigie (see Atheneeum, 
December 30, 1899) gives it as his opinion that the scribe of 
folio I and the scribe of the greater part of the Quair are the 
same, folios 2-1 91 being by a different hand. On two points only 
is there absolute agreement. There were two scribes of the Quair, 
and the scribe of the entry on folio 191 verso was a different 
person from any of the other scribes of the volume and wrote 
later, being possibly one of the owners of the book. There is one 
additional fact. On folio 120, almost an inch below the note 
about the birth of James IV., are the initials J.R. 

The references to indiridual poems are for the most 
part given by initial letters : T. G., Temple of Glas ; 
Q. J., Square of Jelusy ; R. R., Romaunt of the Rose. 
The minor poems of Lydgate and other fifteenth- 
century Chaucerians are mentioned by name and are 
quoted as in Professor Skeat's supplementary Chaucer 
volume, Reson and Sensuallyte, and Lancelot of the Laik 
as in E. E. T. S. editions. 


I. z. Concord and poet's evident reference to past seem to demand pret. 

"twynklyt." Similar use of pres. part, in Q. J. 1. 9. 3. "Citherea" 
may have been written by poet though Cinthia is meant : vid. Chaucer's 
P. F. 113. 4. "^Lyte" is the common qualification of "tofore "; vid. 
II. 2. 7. "And" is necessary for sense and rhythm. "North-north- 
west" is from Chaucer P. F. 117 : 

As wisly as I say the north-north-west. 

Opening as a whole is modelled on Temple of Glas, and the meaning is 
that the poet had this experience in the month of January when the moon 
was full, which shortly Ijefore in the month of December had, as a new 
moon, shewn herself in crescent form. Wischmann interprets both 
" twynklyng " and " rynsid " as participles, and he supposes that some 
verb such as " stood " is to be supplied in thought 4 " The rody sterres 
(stood) twynklyng." " Rynsid her tressis " he holds to be an absolute 
construction. Dr. Skeat's acceptance of " twynklyng " as a provincial or 
dialectal form of "twynklen" has much to commend it. In Q. J. 369 
" y-sufFering " occurs for " y-suffren," and this form is common in L. L. 
Whole opening may also be compared with beginning of Henryson's 
Testament ofCresseid. In The Pistil! of Susan, 192, 193, we have : 

Hir here was jolow as wyre 
Of gold fynyd with fyre. 

II. 6, 7. "Wherefore as I could then choose no better": 7. Reader looks for 

" I " rather than " Bot " at beginning of line. 

III. 2. Cf. L. L. 319, 320. 3. Missing monosyllable before " Counsele," 
probably an adj. " guid " or " hye." 6. " Estat " or " estaat " is in- 
variably a dissyllable, and without any adj. it is often used in sense of 
" high estate," cf. xciv. i, 1. 4. Lost monosyllable therefore probably 
adv., or prep.; cf. Q. J. 57 for " so "; W.'s " for " is at least equally apt. 
Stanza Ixx. shews that poet's acquaintance with Boethius' De Cons. Phil. 
was not exact. A succinct account of Boethius and his philosophy 
is given by Fraser Stewart — Boethius : an Essay (Blackwood, 1891). 
Seneca, in Monk's Tale C. T. B. 3687, is styled " For of Moralitee he was 
the flour." 

IV. 6. "Poetly" is unknown and unrhythmical. I have ventured to sub- 
stitute " poleyt " which is common : cf. Henryson's Prologue to Fables, 
1. 3 ; also Wolf and Lamb, 1. loi : "Quhilk under poleit termes falset 
rayngis." " Be " meaning " by " would be a more apt prep, than " in." 
Neither Dr. Skeat's interpretation nor Wischmann's is entirely satisfactory, 
but it is not easy to suggest a better. As the text stands it is highly 
elliptical. IV. i, 2, connects in thought st. III. and st. IV. 6-7, but 
the connection is not strictly grammatical. Skeat paraphrases ; " And in 

129 ij 


reading the book I there seemed to hear," etc. W. finds a parallel in 
Ixi. 3, 4. He points with an exclamation after " moralitee" ! and renders : 
"And what joy it gives to hear there (i.e. in his banishment) this worthy 
lord and clerk." But " there " surely refers to book, II. 7, and the rendering 
connecting " there " closely with II. 7 is : " But I took a book to read for 

a little and in it to hear (the sentiments of) this worthy lord and 

clerk." 3. " Set a-werk " cf C. T. A. 4337 : 

I pray to God, so yeve me sorwe and care, 

Ifever sitthe I highte Hogge of Ware 

Herde I a millere bettre y-set a werk. 
4. "Discryving of" is unusual. Bellenden, Livy, I. 9. 4, has "in 
descriving the begynnyng of romanis." 7. " Can," etc. may be rendered 
either "began to comfort himself" or "did comfort himself." Both 
usages are common in Middle Scots. See for sense of " did " Prol. Li'ves 
of Saints, 46, " And hou sche can hir-selwyn led " ; also The Bruce, I. 330, 
III. 27. For sense of " began " see Gohgras and Ganvayne, 14, 34, iz8 ; 
Pistill of Susan form " gan," 288. See st. x. 6. 

V. 1. "Thoght" or "thocht" for "though" is a common Middle Scots form, 

vid. Li'ves of Saints, xxx. 141 ; xxxii. 21, and in form "thowcht," ibid. 
Prol. 166. Same usage in The Bruce, I. 518 ; II. 390. 3. "My advan- 
tage was rather to look upon," i.e. to study carefully the writing of this 
noble man. W. renders "more" by "longer" and expands "my best" 
into " the best which in my opinion I could do." " Beste " in sense of 
advantage, cf. King Horn, 1. 776. 

VI. 5. "Warldis appetitis," cf. Chaucer, T. and C. v. 1851. 6. " Aworth" may 

be compared with such compounds as "a-felde," "a-fote," "a-fure," 
"a-gref." It means "patiently." N. E. D. gives from Trevisa, " ^it he 
took it aworth." 7. " SufEsance," cf. st. xvi. 2 and xxvi. 5, also Chaucer, 
T. and C. III. 1309. 

VII. 4. "Scole" is probably a scribal error for"scele," i.e. "skele." Same 
error is found in a MS. of Pitrs Plonuman, vid. Skeat's edition, vol. i. 
p. 327. Neither "scull," which is Skeat's rendering, nor "school," which 
is Wischmann's, gives necessary point to the meaning. 5. One is tempted 
to read " song " for " long," and " my " in 5 with " my " in 6, and " my 
matere " in 7 will probably justify reading " the sentence." Line 2 may 
be compared with Lancelot of the Laii, Prol. 1. 327 : 

The fresch enditing of his laiting toung. 

VIII. Skeat's " longe " and "eyen" at once commend themselves ; "newS" 
(5) both on grammatical and rhythmical grounds is less happy. " Into '' 
for " in " in this connection is exceedingly common. W.'s " seyEn " for 
" seyne," and " sche " for conjectiural " oft " will, perhaps, commend 
themselves. For " translate " in sense of " transform " cf. The Three 
Deid Poiuis, 1. 40, Turnit in as, and thus in erd translait. 

IX. " Into " (2) for " in " improves the rhythm, while pointing with a comma 
after " lest " and a semicolon after " doun," as suggested by Wischmann, 
greatly adds to clearness, as does the addition of " nocht " after " prynce " 
from Sir David Lyndsay's manifest quotation, vid. Introd. p. Ixxvi. Refer- 
ences to Fortune and her wheel in medieval literature are exceedingly 
numerous. Boethius, De C. P., Bk. II., Prosa 2, may be taken as the 
source of much : " I tome the whirlynge wheel with the tumynge sercle, 
I am to chau^gen the loweste to the heyeste and the hyeste to the 
loweste " (Chaucer's Translation). The thought in 1. 5 comes from the 


Romaunt of the Rose, Fragment B. 6333 : "Now am I prince now am I 
page." It is reminiscent also of Knight's Tale, 2172-4, i.e. C. T. A. 

X. 3, 4. See Monk's Tale, C. T. A. 3914. 

XI. 2. Pointing as in amended text with comma after " lestnyt," and taking 
"sodaynlye" and "sone'^ as modifying "herd" make narrative more 

XII. 1. For use of interrogation cf. Q. J. 121 sqq. and L. L. 159-162. 

XIII. 5. " For to write " is preferable to " newg " in this connection. For 
use of "determe," cf. Douglas, Prol. to Aen. I. 217 : "So doith clerkis 
determe " ; and with " maid a -f-," cf. same poet, Prol. to Aen. vii.. 
Works, III. 77, 1. 1 1 : " I crocit me, syne bownit for to sleip." " Be- 
gouth " is a double perfect formed by analogy from " can," " couth." It 
is a common Scots form and has variant " begoud." 

XIV. Any apt dissyllabic adj. would do as well as " sely," which Skeat adopts 
from stanza xliv., or as "tendir" given in text from Q. J. 191. With 
"hable" cf. " abhominable," Q. J. 255. 

XV. 4. To supply lacking syllable one must read "rokkis" or "most so to 
harmes hye." Comparing with st. cxxx., "Take Him in hand," one is 
tempted to read " Him " for " It " in lines 2 and 5 ; but as " sterfiles" is 
" without helm " rather than " without helmsman," " It " is better. In 
1. 6 "into" is demanded by the rhythm, unless we accept "standis." 
For thought, cf. Chaucer, T. and C. I. 415 sqq. : 

Thus possed to and fro 
Al stereles within a boot am I 
A-midde the see betwixen windes two 
That in contrarie stonden evere mo. 

XVI. 3. Wischmann's " rypfinesse " and pret. " lakkit " for unrhythmical and 
incongruous " lak '' give both rhythm and sequence of tenses. For idea 
of self-government, cf. T. and C. II. 374-5 ; and of "driving among 
waves,'' etc., cf. Q. J. 549-53 ; cf. also Lydgate, T. G. 605-13. 

XVII. 5. For omission of pronominal nominative before "suld blowe" cf. x. 2. 
" Pell me to mynd," also Ixxxv. 5 ; and, for omission of relative pronoun 
as object, xxiii. 4. This last, however, may be construed otherwise. 
7. With double invocation contrast Douglas, Prol. to Aen. I. 459, 460 ; 
and with weak genitive " Marye," cf. st. xxv. 3, and Chaucer's use of it in 
" Sonne," "cherche," "lady." 

XVIII. 4. The superfluous syllable which mars rhythm is to be excised by 
reading " In diting of" or " In enditing this." In 6, " bynd " would be 
more apt than "wynd." j, 2. "I call the rocks the great expanse of 
doubtfulness which appals my mind." W. properly calls attention to 
the mixture of constructions in 5, 6, where " clepe " goes appropriately 
with "bote," but not with " vnto the saile," some such verb as "com- 
pare " being demanded by the sense. " Also " corrects confusion. 

XIX. The mixture of Muses and Furies is in harmony with the error in 
St. Ixx. For Cleo vid. T. and C. II. 8, and for Thesiphone vid. Introd. 
p. Ixxi. : cf. Chaucer T. and C. I. 6, 7, and Lydgate T. G. 95^-960, 
and Q. J. 313. Chaucer names all the Furies together in T. and C. 
IV. 22-24. " Goddis " is probably meant as shortened form of " god- 

XX. 5. Skeat's suggestion to mend rhythm by prefixing " be " to "gynneth " 
commends itself at once. 6. W. would put full stop after " suete," and 


connect line 7 with xxi. 1-3, but as "Heigh in the est " must be construed 
with line 7, not with 5, pointing with a comma after "suete " and a colon 
or full stop after " ariete " is better. The thought may be compared 
with opening of Q. J., with Chaucer L. G. W. 125 sqq., and with 
beginning of Prol. to Lancelot of the Laik. 6. " On a morning soft and 
XXI. Scribal slip in 1. i . " Foure " is found occasionally in Gower (see 
Introd. p. Ixxxi), but "four" with sound of "fower" dissyllabic, seems 
more consonant with Scottish dialect as well as more closely related to 
O.E. feower. The correction in 1. 4. suggests copying from original with 
such a correction ; neither eye nor ear could mistake " freschenesse " 
for " confort." Skeat renders 1. i " having passed mid-day exactly four 
degrees, i.e. an hour " ; W. " having passed its mid-day position at the 
opening of Spring exactly four degrees " ; and he goes through an 
elaborate astronomical calculation to prove that the 24th of March may 
be accepted as the day of the prince's departure. But this seems strained. 
The poet everywhere else is given to generality of statement, and (his 
"four degrees exactly," notwithstanding) may be so interpreted here. 
" It was afternoon of a bright Spring day when the flowers under the 
sun's influence had opened their petals and were glad and grateful to 
Phoebus for his heat and light." " Four degrees " is, as Skeat points out 
in his note on passage, a reminiscence of Chaucer, Squire's Tale, 11. 384-6 
If we accept the two stanzas as together giving an exact date, then 
"midday" might be taken as "equator," and the date would be the 
15th of March, as the sun entered Aries on the nth, and a degree 
corresponds very nearly to a day. i. Something may be said for reading 
"mydway." In Chaucer's Treatise on the Astrolabe (I. 17, Brae's edition) 
there is the following : " The cercle equinoctial is cleped also the Equator. 
. . . This cercle equinoctial is cleped the mydnvay of the first meving, or 
elles of the sonne." Four degrees after midday is sixteen minutes, not an 
hour. For sun " spreading " his beams cf. L. L. 677. 

XXII. I, 2. Another instance of indefinite statement. With 1. i, cf. L. L. 
1430-32, concluding "Done frome he passith the ^eris of Innocens." 
4. Cf. L. L. 393. 6. "By thaire avise." Bishop Wardlaw and King 
Robert III. are usually and probably correctly credited with the proposal 
to send James to France. Mr. R. S. Rait definitely makes Albany 
responsible, vid. Outline of Relations betnjoeen England and Scotland, p. 83. 

XXIII. "Puruait," vid. Wyntoun O. C. ix. c. 25. The common Middle 
Scots form is " necessaire." 5. "Saint John as a pledge " for a favourable 
voyage, a very common expression both in Middle English and Middle 
Scots poetry, vid. Lydgate, Camplaint of Black Knight, 1. 12 ; Chaucer, 
Squire's Tale, 596 ; Lindsay, I. p. 38, 11. 995-6 : 

' Tharefor adew : I may no langer tarye : 
Fareweill,' quod I, '^and with Sanct Jhone to borrow.' 

Cf. Complej/nte of Mars, 9. 7. " Pullit up saile." Bellenden has the same 
expression, vid. Introd. p. xiv, "pullit up sailis at the Bass." 

XXIV. 4. Lost syllable after " hand " more likely to be " and " than Skeat's 
"as." W.'s suggestion "for to say" gives an unmusical line ; his other 
conjectures "schortely" and "strange" are better. Silence about the 
English as enemies is appropriate to the character of King James I. It 
is also appropriate to the period in reign of James III,, 1471-78, when 
he was very friendly with England. 


XXV. 3. See xvii. 7 for similar construction. The meaning is "in the 
abandonment of son-ow." " Abandoune " is found in The Bruce, xv. 59, 
xix. 335, with "at" and "in" forming adv. phrase. 4. " Twyne," 
abstractly, may mean either "to separate" or "to twist." It has the 
latter meaning here, as in the old song, " Twine weel the plaidie." 
Originally there was but one Fate who span the thread of life. Hecuba 
speaks of her in her lament for Hector : "Even thus for him did mighty 
Fate erst spin with her thread at his beginning when I bare him " 
(II. xxiv. zog-zio). Later, in Hesiod, the Fates were three, and Clotho, 
the first of the sisters, span the thread ; in the Roman poets of the 
Augustan age, Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos all span. See art. " Moirae," 
Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Myth. 5. " Twise," scribal error for 
" twigs " ; " twie " is also found, as in Genesis and Exodus, 1. 808. 
" Nearly eighteen years " : this is the general testimony as to duration 
of James's imprisonment. See Appendix A. 6. For " aduert " cf 
Lydgate, Benvare ofDoubilnesse, 1. 45, and 1. 7, "in relesche of my smert." 
Complaint of Black Knight, 1. 20 : " Until it please Jupiter to make known 
his compassion and send comfort as a relief to my pain." 6, 7. Cf. Q. J. 

XXVI. 3. "Quhat haue I gilt," L. L. 1. 699. 

XXVII. 3. "Lakkith libertee," cf with Q. J. " lakkith discretioun." As a 
Scots construction it is a false form : "lakkis" would be correct as verb 
is separated from pronoun; yet "lak" is also found in passive sense. 
4. "Seyen" rather than " seyne " : cf st. viii. 6. 6. "Argow" is the 
usual form : see Henryson, Prol. to Fab. 1. 45. 

XXVIII. 5-7. Dr. Skeat's explanation of the poet's meaning — that he is a 
cipher — is given fully in note on this stanza, pp. 66, 67 of his edition. 
The crossing out and correction in 1. 7 give another indication that the 
scribe copied from a MS. which itself had corrections. St. xlix. concludes 
with "I drede." 

XXX. 1. See, for language, Chaucer, T. and C. I. 1. 547. From this stanza 
onward to Ixxi. there is manifest imitation of Chaucer, Knight's Tale. 
See C. T. A. 1030-1354. 4. The opening words of MS. "And to" for 
" Vnto " illustrate well the kind of blunder made in transcribing. 5. Cf. 
C. T. C. 125 : As she cam forby. 

XXXI. The description of the "herbere" may be compared with The Vlonuer 
and the Leaf , 11. 64-72, especially with 66-72 : 

That who that list without to stond or go. 
Though he wold al-day pryen to and fro, 
He shuld not see if there were ony wight 
Within or no ; but oon within wel might 
Perceive al tho that yeden there-without 
In the feld. 

A similar but less artistic description is to be found in Prol. to L. L., 
11. 45-56. Skeat's pointing and W.'s are equally defensible. "Herbere " 
means either "arbour," as in Chaucer, L. G. W. 1. 203, or "herbarium," 
i.e., "herb-garden." Both here and in xxxii. 3 "herb-garden" is the 
natural rendering. 5. "Knet," which is a Kentish form, is doubtless 
due to exigencies of rhyme, and to the literary character of the greater 
part of poem. 6. S.'s "y-walking" is decidedly better than W.'s " walk- 
inge," although latter is found in Chaucer. 
XXXIII. J. "Smale," which is found without vocal 'i in st. xlvlii. 2, seems 


fitting emendation of "small." Concord requires " nyghtingales," but such 
violations are common. 5-7. " That all the garden and the walls rang 
clearly with their song, and their sweet harmony, and, lo ! the text (of 
their song) is in the following stanza." " Copill," in this sense, is found 
in Ckron. Jac. Pr. (Maitland Club), p. 19 : "Thaire is more of this 
lamentacioune xviii. coupill." If the text is to be altered, "in " should 
be substituted for " on " rather than " of," as suggested by S. and 
approved by W. "Gardyng," of. Q. J. 1. 369, also L. L.. passim. 

XXXIV. 1. S. suggests " worschippeth." "Worschippg" as plu. imp. is 
neither N. nor S. dialect, vid. Introd. p. Ixxxv, cf. st. cii. 5 for " schapith " 
as imp. and also for " forgeue " as sing. imp. joined with Southern plur. 
form. " Bene," " ar," " are," and " is " all used as plur. pres. ; " bene " 
also occasionally with sing. nom. 2. For " kalendis " in sense of " begin- 
ning," cf Scogan, A Morale Balade, 1. 146, " Sone after comen kalends 
of dotage" ; also L. L. 1. 12. 3-7. cf. Chaucer, P. F. 680-92. 7. "List," 
here, is "pleased," in various passages used impersonally and personally ; 
as 2nd sing. pres. in Iviii. 5. 

XXXV. 2. "stent," cf. v. 3, pret. of "stenten" or "stent," of which the 
common form is "stynt" or "stint" : see liii. 2 and civ. 2. 7. "Thai" 
rather than " that." 

XXXVI. See Introd. for frequent use of interrogation, and for repetition of 
same word in rhyme, also cf. Q. J. 121 sqq. and 527 sqq. and Prol. to 
L. L. 160-164. 6. Cf. for "feynit chere," The Compleynt ofFaire Anelyda 
upon Fals Arcyte, 97. 

XXXVII. W.'s pointing in this stanza makes the meaning clearer, as is shown 
by text. A possible improvement would be a mark of interrogation after 
" him " in 1. 4, and to connect " As we in bukis fynd " with 1. 5. Re- 
calling form "knet" in xxxi. 5, one is disposed to read "knetten" for 
"setten," cf. R. R. i ; 1. 7 should certainly be read as a question. 

XXXVIII. 3. See note on xxvi. 3. 

XXXIX. Though the poet might not write " ringe," " beninge," and " dinge " 
(11. 2, 4, 5) in the usual Scots fashion, he thought of the sounds which 
they represent as his rhymes. 

XL. 4. " Or " is without point ; " and " is more natural. 4, 5. Cf., for con- 
struction and manner of overflow, L. L. 603-5 '• 

Galiot, which is the farest knycht 
And hiest be half a fut one hycht 
That euer I saw. 

XLII. 3. " That verray womanly," "so very womanly.'' For such use of "that" 
see passage from Scott, quoted in note on stanza lix. 3. Cf. Q. J. 307. 
6, 7. Knight's Tale, C. T. A. iioi-ii and 1 156-61. 

XLIII. I. Cupid's own princess is the poet's paraphrase of Chaucer's Venus. 
He can hardly be credited with a knowledge of Apuleius and the beauti- 
ful story of Psyche. 3. Cf. Chaucer P. F. 1. 368, and 302-8. 

XLIV. 4. " Why does it please God to make you so ?" It is difiicult to 
account for the Kenticism " lest " except as an imitation of Chaucer ; 
cf. Q. J. 536. 7. Cf Black Knight, 1. 516. 

XLV. This stanza as it stands in the text is grammatically incomplete. To 
rectify the anacolouthon it is necessary either to supply in thought both 
pronoun and verb and to take "vnknawin" as equivalent to "I was 
vnknawing," i.e. " I did not know," or to accept W.'s suggestion and 
read 1. 4, " So ferre I fallyn (was)," " fallyng " being provincial for 
" fallyn," like " gardyng " for " gardyn " in st. xxiii. 5. It is not 


necessary to read " in " for " into," as " lufis " may be read as a mono- 
syllable. The expression " lovis daunce " is found in T. and C. II. i loS, 
and in the English poems ascribed to Charles d'Orleans (see Bullrich, 
Eng. Poems ofCh. d'O., p. 13). Yet "i-fallyng," as participle, suggests 
"twynklyng" in i. 2 and "beseching" in clxxxiv. i. 

XLVI. The confusion in this stanza will disappear if 1. 3 is read " It fretwise 
couchit was." " If I shall write a description of her dress, with respect 
to her golden hair and rich attire, it was by way of ornament set with 
white pearls." " Toward " in this sense to be compared with " touert " 
in clxxiv. i. " Was " is to be understood before " chaplet " and st. xh^ii. 
runs on as conclusion of 6, 7. " Partit " in 7 has sa!me sense as " partie " 
in Court of Lonje, 1. 1434.. 3. Cf. C. T. A. 2161. 

XLVII. This and the next stanza as a whole may be compared with The 
Flonxier and the Leaf, 11. 141-161, and Assembly of Ladies, 11. 519-39. 
I. W. suggests " quakinge," but a connective is needed. " And " before 
" full " helps sense and rhythm. 3, 4. The repetition of " floure-Ionettis " 
can scarcely be accepted as the poet's work, although such rhymes are 
very common in his poem. The range cf conjectural rhyme-words is 
limited. S. suggests all likely words : " violettis" adopted in the text is 
one of them. " lonette " is a kind of lily ; the jaulnet d'eau is the 
yellow water-lily. (N. E. D.) 

XLVIII. t. Cf. Assembly of Ladies, 1. 534, of " ryght fyne enamyl." 3, 4. Cf. 
T. and C. iii., 1371 : 

But wel I wote a broche of gold azure. 
In which a ruby set was lik an herte. 

3. "Faille" is used in O.F. sense of " fault or defect." 4. "Herte" or 
"y-schapin" corrects rhythm. 5. Henryson, O. and E., I. 87, speaks of 
the lowe (i.e. flame) of luf. 7. "God it wote" ■- frequent use of this 
expression is a mannerism common to K. Q., L. L., and Q. J. 

XLIX. 4, J. A comma after " lyte " and a colon after " haste " make connec- 
tion clearer. " Lo " instead of " to " before " suich " is more in the poet's 
manner, cf. xxxiii. 7, Iviii. 6, Ixxxvi. 3, Ixxxviii. 7, cxxxi. i, cxlviii. 3. 

L. W.'s punctuation in this stanza, adopted in text, has everything to recom- 
mend it, but he links 6 with 5, not with 7, a connection which is surely 
preferable. The meaning is " Moderation so guided her in every point 
that Nature to no higher degree could advance her child in word, in deed, 
in figure, in face." "Measure" in sense of "moderation" or "temper- 
ance " is common. Cf Piers Plonuman, C. Text, Passus II. 1. 3 3 : 
"Mesure is medecyne." 

LI. 7. Cf. for reference to succeeding stanza xxxiii. 6, 7. 

LII. 1, i. "O bright Venus, to whom among the gods who are stars I pay 
homage and sacrifice." 4. " Into suich," or " in suich a," necessary for 

LIII. 2. " Stynt" : cf. civ. 2, and contrast xxxv. 2 and v. 3. 4. " Behalding 
to" is rhythmical and is a common expression. Thus in Legends of the 
Saints, xviii. 751, 2 : 

To J>at ymage of oure lady 
Increly be-haldand ay. 

W. justifies the MS. reading on the ground that there is an extra light 
syllable after the caesura as elsewhere in the poem — Ivi. 7, Ixxxvi. 6, etc. 



But some, indeed most, of the passages he cites ought to be read in a way 
that gives no extra syllable, e.g. Ixxx. 1, cvii. 4, cxix. 2. 

LV. 2. The story of Procne and Philomela is told by Gower, Conf. Amant. 
V. 5551-6074, and by Chaucer, L. G. W. 2228-2393. Both derive the 
main points of the story from Ovid, Met. vi. 412-676. Ovid's story is 
that Tereus, a King of Thrace, married Procne, the daughter of Pandion, 
King of Attica. He afterwards ravished Philomela, his wife's sister, and 
cut out her tongue, that she might not reveal his brutal turpitude. She 
was kept a close prisoner, and Procne was told that she was dead. But 
Philomela revealed Tereus' crime by weaving words into a robe and 
sending this to her sister. Procne was so madly enraged with her husband 
that she killed their son Itys, and served his flesh at a banquet. When 
Tereus discovered this he pursued the sisters to slay them both, but the 
gods changed them into birds, Procne into a swallow, Philomela into a 
nightingale, and Tereus into a hoopoe. The initial point of the story, 
on which Ovid moralises effectively, was the circumstance which gave 
Tereus opportunity of seeing Philomela. The sisters longed for each 
other, therefore a journey was made to Attica, and Philomela was sent 
on a visit to Thrace. The story is alluded to by Lydgate, T. G. 11. 97, 98. 
7. "Quhare" has force of "by which." One looks for "quhan" rather 
than "quhare." 

LVI. 5. " Quhois," dissyllabic, as in L. of S. iv. 210, "fore quhois cause I am 
led now." In spite of the sing, pron., " thyne," " thy," one is tempted to 
read " chideth " in 6, especially with " thir " following. Cf. Dunbar, 
II. 274, "Gladethe, thou Queen of Scottis regioun." For "twenty 
deuil way " see Introd. p. Ixiii. It means " in way of twenty devils," i.e., 
" anyhow." 

LVII. 4. "Lest" for "lust" is another Kenticism : cf. C. T. A. 132 in 
description of the Prioress : " In curteisie was set ful muchel her leste." 
Also Dethe of Blaunche the Ducheae, 1. 907. 6. " Pepe," see Henryson, 
Fabillis, where the word is used more than once of cry of a mouse, 1. 26 
of U. M. and B. M., and 1. 147 ; also in Paddok and Mom, I. 7. Stanzas 
Ivii.-lix. may be compared with L. L. II. 81-136. 

LVIII. 1-4. Cf. Q. J. 11. 121-31. 3. Cf Q. J. 130. 5. "Thou more list," 
cf. Gower, Conf. Amant. III. i : 

If thou the vices lest to know. 

LIX. 3 . " What wouldst thou then ?" " Wostow " is ordinary contraction 
for "knowest thou," but here, as W. points out, it is for "woldest thou." 
6. " Gree," in M.E. and in M.S., is the French " gr^," which represents 
both Latin gradum and gratiam. In first sense it means (a) " step " or 
"degree," (2) "victory" or "pre-eminence." Familiar instances of this 
usage in Modern Scots are Burns' 

That sense and worth, o'er a' the earth. 

May bear the gree and a' that ; 

and Scott, in Heart of Midlothian, II. 70, where Madge Wildfire praises 
the hammermen of Edinburgh for their skill in making stancheons, ring- 
bolts, etc. : "And they arena that bad at girdles for carcakes neither, 
though the Cu'ross hammermen have the gree for that." In the second 
sense it means "favour," "grace," as in Clerk's Tale, 1. 1151 : 

Rece)rven al in gree that God us sent ; 
and in Ros, La Belle Dame sans Mercy, 1. 842, "To take in gree this rude 


translatioun." The preferable rendering is therefore " And here to gain 
favour"; i.e. of the lady who is mentioned as approaching in Ivii. 2. 
Cf. also Plo'wman's Tale, 1. 333-4 ; 

Suche harlottes shull men disclaimder 
For they shullen mak hir gree. 

7. " Now," not " here," makes natural contrast to "neuer." 

LX. 7. As in MS. singularly unmusical. Omission of " that " and reading 
"awake " would amend rhythm. 

LXI. i. " Quhare," " on which," " whereupon." 3. W. compares with iv. 1. 
7. Few readers will approve of W.'s rendering, " bounding all to festal 
joy," thus taking "boundin" as dialectal for "bounding." The 
meaning is " So completely enslaved were my wits." 

LXII. I. "To the notis" — Poet made words in spirit of bird's song. 
2. For "ditee" in this sense cf. Chaucer's Translation of Boethius, 315, 
602, 1453. " Quhilkis," instance of plur. rel. pron. 3. "Direct," 
" directed." 5, 7. Defective rhythm may be variously amended : 
"Deuotely" is suggested by analogy from "schortely." " Deuoitly," 
four syllables, might have preference, but wherever found it is trisyllabic. 

LXIII. W. suggests closing "the ditee" at 1. 3, but this would be prosaic 
and unlike lii., where invocation of Venus occupies whole stanza. 
7. K. Q. and Q. J. show a certain partiality for use of word " hell." 

LXIV. 3. "A voce" and 6, "a soyte" mean "one voice" and "one suit," 
like modern Scots "ae," " Ae fond kiss." At a later time the poet would 
almost certainly have written " ane voce" and "ane soyte," as in clx. i, 
where he has written "ane surcote." 3. "Begone," as it rhymes with 
" euerichone," is not the p.p. of " begin," which is " begonne," but of 
"bego," O.E. began, cf. The Floiver and the Leaf, 1. 186 : "Me thought 
I was wel bigon," i.e. "circumstanced." 

LXV. I. Dr. Skeat, taking the rhymes as "bridis" and "bydis," translates 
"brides" and "bides." But this introduces an alien and a very unusual 
thought. Reading " briddis " and " byddis," the meaning is "Now be 
welcome fresh May, flower of all months, always kind to birds. For not 
only does your grace ask us to give this welcome, but we call all the 
world to bear witness to this (grace) which has strewed fresh, sweet, and 
tender green so liberally everywhere." 5. " Playnly " may mean "mani- 
festly" or "fully," cf. Legends of the Saints, Prol. 1. 135 : "Playne powar 
our the laffe." 

LXVI. 2. " Full " is redundant. 

LXVII. 6. " To see her depart and follow I could not " — a mixed con- 

LXVIII. 3, 4, "For thay," i.e. "axis and turment" expressed in Ixvii. 5 
and implied in "peyne," "may not more rigorously affect any man." 
5. "Both tueyne," cf. Ixxv. 5 and xcviii. 4. 

LXIX. 7. "Schape remede" : cf. cii. 5, and L. L. 89. 

LXX. Tantalus is alluded to by Chaucer, Book of Duchess, 1. 708, and T. and 
C. III. ]. 593, also in Boethius, Book III., metrum 12, 1130: "And 
Tantalus that was destroied by the woodnesse of long thurst, despyseth 
the floodes to drynken." Apparently Tantalus was suggested by "my 
drye thrist " in Ixix. 4. The punishment, "water to draw with buket 
botemless," is not that assigned to Tantalus, but to the daughters of 
Danaus, who murdered their husbands on their wedding night, all but 


Hypermnestra, who saved her husband Lynceus. The best-known 
classical reference is Horace's Ode to Mercury, III. xi. 25 sqq. : 

Audiat Lyde scelus atque notas 
Virginum poenas, et inane lymphae 
Dolium fundo pereuntis imo 

Seraque fata. 
Quae manent culpas etiam sub Oreo. 

Chaucer in L. G. W. closes with an unfinished legend of Hypermnestra. 

5. " By " is plainly " be," " concerning." 
LXXI. I. "Signit," monosyllable. 2. " Strenth," common Middle and 

Modern Scots usage. 3. " Fone," Chaucer's " foon," see Glossary. 
LXXII. I. S's "longe " is perhaps simpler than insertion of " to " after "gan." 

Cf. C. T. E. 2112 : For al that ever he koude poure or prye. 2. "Endit" 

is so unusual in this connection that " I-hid '' from Temple of Glas, 1. 793, 

is given as conjectural reading. The natural verb would be " sylit," as 

in Henryson, Testament ofCresseid, 11, 9, 10 : 

Quhen Titan had his bemys bricht 
Withdrawin doun, and sylit under cure. 

5. T. G. 1 348 : " Willi planet O Hesperus so bryght." 

LXXIII. S. finishes the sentence with Ixxii. 7, but W.'s pointing is prefer 
able, as is shewn in amended text. This is one of few instances in K. Q. 
of overflow from one stanza to another. 3. " Ourset," cf. Gower, Conf. 
Amant, v. 2707-8 : 

Thus he whom gold hath overset 
Was trapped in his oghne net, 

6. "Suoun," cf. Chaucer, Clerk's Tale, 1. 1079, "aswowne.'' 

LXXIV. 3. Repetition of "wyndow" from line above suggests conjecture 
" chamberewallis," 5. W. conjectures " It blent," " it blinded." 
"Iblent^' is a p.p. certainly in Lydgate, Reson and Sensuallyte, 1. 3659. 
He speaks thus of the singing of sirens : 

The noise is so ravysshynge 
That shippes seyling by the see 
With her song so fonned bee 
So supprysed and y-blent 
That they be verray necligent 
Of gouernaylle in ther passage. 

But " Iblent " may quite well be taken as an intensive form of " blent," 
pret. of " blenchen," which is usually " bleinte " or " blejmte," the modern 
"blenched" or "flinched," and the rendering would thus be : "So that 
my force of vision wholly failed." Such an intensive form is found in 
Q. J., 1. 525, not with p.p. alone, but with inf. : " A lady rather schuld 
hir deth y-take." 6. For " there-with-all " cf. Ixxix. 5 and Ixxxiii. 1. 

LXXV. This and the following stanza are so closely linked that it is necessary 
in 7 to point with a comma after " fair," and shew the overflow. 

LXXVI. 4. " Signifere,'' "the zodiac," Gower, Conf. Amant, vii. 955-1236, 
gives several signs. 

LXXVII. I. Comparing with cxxiv. 7, "palace" may be read for "place," 
and "a-nye" would still further improve the rhythm. At this point 
begins very substantial borrowing from the Temple of Glas. But there is 


this difference : Lydgate at first sees pictures, then persons ; the poet here 

sees actual persons only. Lydgate abounds in names. Our poet, with his 

wonted preference for generality, mentions no one. 
LXXVIII. 7. Cf. L. L. 2252. 
LXXIX. I. "Quhois," dissyllabic, cf. Ivi. 5. 6. "Solempnit" is a Scots form 

preferable to "solempne." "Solemnitly" is found in Wallace, viii. 655, 

and in Legends of the Saints, xvii. 202. 
LXXX. "And off gude folkis " is a better amendment of rhythm than to 

accent final syllable either of " gude " or of " folkis," cf. i. 7 and xlvii. i. 

5. "Besyde," cf. Legends of Saints, ii. 226-7 : 

And besyd it to morne ^e se may 
twa men stannand besyd it prayand. 

7. Omission of nom. cf. x. 2. 
LXXXI. 2. Cf. Temple ofGlas, 11. 203-4. S- " Ay" and " amang," i.e. "ever" 

and "occasionally" present the same kind of contradiction as "besyde," 

" next," and " with," in Ixxx. 5, 7. 
LXXXII. 3. W.'s "behynde" commends itself. 6. "With billis," i.e. 

"petitions," cf. T. G., 11. 315-320. 
LXXXIII. 3. "3ond there" as reading will commend itself. For "gree" 

see note on lix. 6. 7. "Endyng-day" : cf. C. T. D. 507. 
LXXXIV. 7. " Thai lakkit noght gude will " would be more in accordance 

with poet's usage. Yet " lak " is frequently found in passive sense " to 

be wanting," see Piers Plonvman, B. xi. 280: "Hem shulde lakke no 

LXXXV. 3. For omission of nom., and especially of relative nom., see note 

on xvii. 5. 5. "The" before "poetis" or "sciencis" is redundant. 

7. Cf. L. L. 107. 
LXXXVI. In i, as elsewhere, one wishes that it were permissible to read 

" estage." Change of order in 5 improves rhythm. 
LXXXVII. 2. "All day," "every day," " continually,'^ cf C. T. B. 1702 : 

"For sely child wol al day sone leere." 3-7. For construction cf. 

Chaucer, C. T. D. 257-261, and ibid. 925-930. 7. " Some for excess." 
LXXXVIII. I. S.'s and W.'s amendments of metre equally apt. Here there 

is again close following of Temple ofGlas, 11. 163 sqq. 
LXXXIX. 4.-"Halfdel" is suggested by S., but "halflyng" is poet's word in 

xlix. 5. W. would simply read " seruice," and leave text unaltered. He 

founds on C. T., Prol. 122 : "Ful weel sche scong the seruice dyuyne." 
XC. Cf. T. G., 11. 196-202. 
XCI. Ibid., 11. 207 sqq. 4. "Gruchit," suggested by Mr. Eyre-Todd in his 

MeSe-val Scottish Poetry, is preferable to W.'s " gruche " or S.'s " gruchen." 
XCII. 4. The speech of the voice, Ixxxiii. 2 ends here. 
XCIII. In 4 " iunyt " (see cxxxiii. 7) might well take the place of " coplit " 

repeated from line above. 5. S.'s substitution of "sche" for "so" is 

unnecessary, as W. has pointed out, "that" in 3 being rel. pron. "Sche," 

however, is more vivid and more poetical. 
XCIV. I. "Chiere," an unusual form of "chere." 5. See Introd. p. xv, also 

R. R. 885-908 especially ■- 

And also on his head was sette 
Of Roses reed a chapelett. 

XCV. Cf. R. R. 937-982. 7. Cf. clx. 4-6. 

XCVI. I. '^Oi coTCiT^dii," d. Assembly of Ladies, \. i/^. 


XCVII. I. "Fair-Calling" is Bialacoil (Bel-Acueil) of R. R. He is there 
described 11. 2982-5 : 

A Justy bachelere 
Of good stature and of good hight 
And Bialacoil for sothe he hight, 
Sone he was to curtesie. 

5. Omission of lel. pron. " that" is best way of amending metre. " On " 
might be omitted to detriment of sense. W.'s suggestion that " othir " 
should be slurred into monosyllable like "quethir" is scarcely admissible. 
For omission of rel. pron. as object, cf. xxiii. 4, though here the clause 
may also be interpreted with " time " as direct obj. 6, 7. See above note 
on xcv. 7. 
XCVIII. 1. "Astonate,'' cf. " unquestionate," cxxv. 4. 4. Cf. Ixxx. 5 and 

cxxiv. 4. 6. " And with," necessary for syntax and metre. 
XCIX. 4. For this use of "Vertew," cf. Ixxiv. 5. 6. "That" has an ante- 
cedent " I," implied in " my." 
C. 5. " O anchor and helm " is Dr. Skeat's rendering, and he ingeniously 
explains by reference to Chaucer's mistranslation of cla'vus as claiiis in 
Boethius, De Cons. Phil. III. 12 (see S.'s Ed. K. Q. jp. 78). But "keye " 
may be "key," simply. As Venus is a fountain of remedy and cure of 
hearts, as well as a haven and an anchor, she may, by further mixture of 
metaphor, be addressed as a key of good fortune. Love's key is noted in 
R. R. 11. 2079 sqq. But " helm " or " tiller " is undoubtedly a more apt 
and poetical rendering. 
CII. 5. See note xxxiv. 1. For artificiality of construction like "forgeue all 
this and schapith remedye" see Professor Gregory Smith on Middle Scots 
usage. Specimens of Middle Scots, Introd. p. xxxvi. 7. " Cause me to die," 
cf. ciii. 7. 
CIV. I. For absolute construction, cf. xlv. 3. . 

CVI. 6. "Forehede," which, in this reference is at once unusual and unpoetic, 
is probably a scribal error for " fairhede," i.e. beauty, which may here be 
rendered " thy goodly or gracious person." 
CVII. Reading " byndand " in 5 brings sense to an otherwise unintelligible 
passage. " This is to say (although it belongs to me to wield the sceptre 
in the realm of love) that the effects of my bright beams, binding with 
others by eternal decree, have their influence in discovering means (of 
success) at times with reference both to things future and to things past : 
this matter (however) it is not my province to direct alone." In 3, 4 we have 
"efFectis has" (instead of more common "hes"), the prevailing Middle 
Scots usage seldom found in K. Q. 4. "Aspectis," cf. Gower, Conf. 
Amant., vii. 901-6 : 

But for to telle redely 
In what climate most comunly 
That this planete hath his effect, 
Seid is that he hath his aspect 
Upon the holi lend so cast 
That there is no pes stedefast. 

7. "Writh,'' literally "to turn," see cxxii. 3. Cf. "Sa suld we wryth 
all sin away," Henryson, The Bludy Serk, 1. 107. "For to wryth agathis wil 
fra cryst," Legends of the Saints, xlii. I. 97. 

CVIII. 2. W. rejects the amendment of text and accents " oth^ris," trans- 
lating as parenthesis : " Because, indeed, others influence that," 5. " Ad- 


uertence," cf. xxv. 6, " aduert,'' and Lydgate, To my So^erain Lady, 
11. 6i, 62 : 

And sith myn advertence 

Is in you, reweth on my paynes smert. 

" Aduertence " here, according to context, must mean either "knowledge ' 
or "power." It could not possibly mean "retinue" or "following," as 
" aduertance " sometimes does : see Professor Gregory Smith's Specimens 
of Middle Scots, p. 261. 17, and note on passage. 6. Cf. L. L. 2545. 
7. " I-wone," scribe has omitted to write n, as form is " i-wonne." 

CIX. 7. The scribe's corrections give fall line. Already in Mid. Scots, as 
now in Mod. Scots, " doken " is used as a singular like " dock." It is 
" doccan," plur. of " docce." For use of singular cf. Charles Murray, 
HaTtieixjith, p. 6 : " But he cared na doit nor docken what they did or 
thocht or said." 

ex. Here are one or two minor textual confusions. In 2 " lanuarye " scans 
" lan/ua/rye," and " vnlike " and " vnto " are therefore necessary for " like" 
and "to." Transposition of 5 and 4 would improve connection of 
thought. Douglas, Prol. to jEn. I., compares the owl and the parrot to 
mark the inferiority of his poetry to Virgil's : 

Quhilk is na mair lyk Virgile dar I lay 
Na Jie owle resemblis fe papyngay. 

7. " Prese " is the nearest approach to what is represented in MS., and 
gives good sense. It is a variant of " prise," " to be priced or prized." " The 
eye of a fish is not fit to be valued or rated so high as pearl in the gold- 
smith's craft." "Prise," the noun, is found in cxxviii. 5 and clxxxviii. 6. 
7. Cf. L. L. 3271 for form "maked." 

CXI. 5. See note on xix. 3. 7. "To schorten with," cf xvi. 4, "to goueme 

CXII. 6. For this use of " supplye," cf. xv. 5. 

CXIII. 4. The artificial form " alleris " is also found in Legends of the Saints, 
xxviii. 28 : 

for throu humylite but dred 
was Mary mad oure alleris med. 

"AUer" is Chaucer's form for O.E. ealra, gen. pi. oi eall, and probably 
the is here is due originally to a scribal flourish at end of word. For form 
" aller" in Chaucer, see C. T. Prol. 1. 799 : 

Shal have a soper at oure aller cost. 
Unusually close connection between stanzas cxiii. and cxiv., and between 
cxiv. and cxv. 

CXV. 7. " Eft " is uncommon in this connection. " No longer is there 
any one.'' 

CXVI. 2. "Dooth constreyne," cf Q. J., 1. 26. 4. 5- "And for a manifest 
sign all this rain comes as from my tears." For conceit that Venus' tears 
make rain, cf. L'enwy de Chaucer it Scogan, 11. 10, 11. Aurora's tears 
make dew: Flour of Curtesy e, II. 38-40. 4-7- There is a certain ob- 
scurity here. " Pleyne " is to be taken as adj., not as verb, though it 
might be taken as a verb. 6. S. makes "ybete " an infinitive, W. a p.p. 
It may be either, as, contrary to W.'s contention, such a form is found, 
not in K. Q., but in Q. J., 1. 525. 


CXVII. I. "Stynten othir quhile" is certainly a scribal error for "stynt 
another quhile." 4. " Of" here is to be interpreted differently from " of" 
in cxvi. 5. It means here "under the influence of." 6. W. suggests 
"ryght" for Skeat's "as" ; he cites many passages in support of his 
contention : xxvi. 3, liv. 3, civ. 7, cxxvii. i, clxxviii. 7, clxxxviii. 7. But 
"into" is simpler, and conforms to Mid. Scots usage. 

CXVIII. See Introduction, section iv., for variety of verbal inflections in this 
stanza, and cxix. 4. For " stound" in sense of " hour," cf. Legends of the 
Saints, xxx. 725-6 : 

Jjat scho persauit wel apere 
I>e stoud of ded til hyre nere. 

CXIX. 6. The text of MS. is difficult to understand. S. suggests the substi- 
tution of "That" for" most," and W. "haue" for "has." W. would 
then translate "must commonly have ever his observance." But "com- 
monly" and "ay" go ill together. Looking to "ay" in 4 and 5, one is 
tempted to think that the third " ay " in 6 is an error. Perhaps it would 
be too bold a remedy to read " Most commonly has May his observance," 
and to take the line as parallel in meaning with 4. Simpler stiU is the 
reading adopted in text "haue thay." Yet this alteration is not quite 
satisfactory. This stanza and two which follow may be compared with 
L.L.U. IS, 16. 

CXX. I. " Thus mayest thou see " : " seyne " is for " sene," cf. clxxviii. 5. 

2. W. makes a most ingenious and highly probable conjecture for " maist 
weye," which is unintelligible. He would read " most," i.e. " must 
obeye," the scribe having made an English " most " into " maist " as if it 
were an adj., and misread ob as im., " Which ye ought to obey and must." 

3. " Because of sloth are wholly forgotten." " Is," like has," with plural 
nom., is rare in K. Q. 

CXXII. 3. "Aspectis," cf. cvii. 4; "writh," ibid. 7. 

CXXV. I, 2. Ci. Assembly of Ladies, 11. 176, 177. 3. " Vnquestionate," an 
unusual form ate for occasional et and ordinary it, written to rhyme to 
"eye" as well as to "ear." 5. "Said renewe," i.e. "sober renewal"; 
" said," being equivalent to " sad," is wholly out of keeping with what 
follows. As a way out of the difficulty, " facture newe " is suggested, 
"facture" in the handwriting of the time having a certain resemblance 
to "saidre" ; "facture," not a common word, is employed elsewhere by 
the poet. See 1. 2 and Ixvi. 6. 

CXXVI. " Gyde led," see cxxiv. 6. « hath led," and clviii. 7, " has led." 
6. Floiver and Leaf, 1. 596. 7. Omission of nom. to "likit," cf. x. 2. 

CXXIX. 3. W. would read "on nyce " following "on vertew set'' in 6, 
But " set of" is found in Legends of the Saints, xii. 161. In cxliv. 2 the 
MS. reading is " In vertew thy lufe is set." 

CXXX. Cf. St. XV. For thought in 5 cf. Ep. to Ephes. ii. 20, i Cor. iii. 10, 11. 

CXXXI. 6. Founding upon "schapith" in cii. 5 one may perhaps read 
"groundith " in spite of sing, "thy." As justification for this see 
Q. J. 314. For thought, cf. S. Matt. vii. 24. 

CXXXII. W.'s pointing in 4, 5, given in text, and his rendering make the 
meaning clear. " Unless thy work (or deed) agree thereto, and all thy 
anxious carefulness be expressed." " Mesure " is a verb, and this usage 
may be compared with Lydgate's A Commendation of Our Lady, 1. 119: 
" Mesure thy mourning, myn owne Margaryte." 

CXXXIII. I. See Eccles. iii, i sqq. Cf. C. T. E. 1972. 4. Cf. L. L. 1753. 
Chaucer, in N. P. T., 1. 509, uses Eccksiaste to signify Ecclesiasticus, 


and when he alludes to this passage he does not name his author. Gower 
(C. A., vii. 4491) expressly calls Solomon Ecclesiaste. 2. "Bide weel, 
betide weel" : "abit" is "abideth," as "writ "is "writeth." 3, 4. "He 
tbat knows only haste knows nothing of good fortune." Cf. Isaiah 
xxviii. 16. 
CXXXIV. Cf. R. R. 4828 sqq. 1. Chaucer's words are "brotel" and 

" brotelnesse." See C. T. E. 1279. 
CXXXV. Transposition of 5 and 4 would improve syntax. Scribe may have 

erred, as in clxxxv. 
CXXXVI. X, i. Cf. Q. J., 1. 496. 3. Cf. S. Matt. vii. 15 ; R. R. 6259 : 

Who so took a wethers skynne 

And wrapped a gredy wolf therynne, 

For he shulde go with lambis whyte, 

Wenest thou not he wolde hem bite. 
Also R. R. 7013-16 : 

Outward lambren semen we, 

Full of goodnesse and of pitee. 

And inward we withouten fable 

Ben gredy wolves ravysable. 

7. Cf. Q. J., U. 489-90. 

CXXXVII. 3. Cf. Chaucer, C. T. E. 1943, for "kid." 

CXXXVIII. 3. The missing monosyllable may be "wel," or "ful," or 
" ryght." 

CXXXIX. 5, 6. " And should like to be the man who could effect somewhat 
for her honour." 

CXL. 5. Sense demands either "Nold I," suggested byS., or "wald noght be." 

CXLI. 3. S.'s conjecture "faute" for "faynt" is very happy. 6, 7. "But 
desire so limits my wits that I care for no greater joy than your favour." 

CXLII. 3. "Playnly" perhaps "fully" rather than "manifestly." 4. Having 
regard to " treuly " in cxxxix. 3, and to rhythm one would read " trewely 
without fantise." "Fantise" is in R. R. 1971, as "feyntise." Cf. Flonuer 
and Leaf, 1. 549 : "To seeke honour without feintyse or slouth." 5. The 
lacuna before "vp-rise" is puzzling. S.'s suggestion has the merit of 
simplicity ; W.'s of being a single word, and that at least a probable verb 
before "vp-rise." Yet the idea that seems to be lacking is of will or 
desire on the part of the poet. 7. " Putten in balance " : to put in doubt 
or danger, cf. Book of Duchess, 1. 1020. 

CXLIII. 7. " My greatest joy," cf. " more " in cxli. 7. 

CXLIV. 2. Cf. cxxix. 6. 4-7, "And sincerely without reluctance to have pity 
on the distress and fever which hold your heart : I will pray Fortune that 
she may be no longer opposed to your passion." 

CXLV. z, 4, 5. Such rhymes as duellyng, mellyng, repellvng, are found in 
Q. J. 242, 244 ; demyng, connyiig, but without rhyme in preceding 
syllable ; also in Q. J. 196, 197, 199. 5. " Apperit" : a reader expects 
"appointit" or "pertening." 6. Fortune has the two lots of weal 
and woe. 

CXLVI. Like Chaucer, the poet is interested in the Predestinarian contro- 
versy. 4. "Wrething," variant of "writhing" : cf. cvii. 7 and cxxii. 3. 
" Wrething" also means "making angry," Legends of Saints, iii. 58, but 
this meaning is not appropriate here. The stanza is difficult to explain, 
and W.'s "that" for "it," in 7, does not mend matters; while "and," 
in 6, seems superfluous. " Whatever may be the truth about Fortune and 


her cuts, some scholars expound that your whole lot is pre-ordained in 
heaven, by whose mighty influences you are impelled to movement less 
or more there in the world (for this very reason calling that lot fortune) 
because the difference of the working of these influences should cause 
necessity, i.e., bring about a necessary result." 

CXLVII. 4. For same Kentish form, see ix. 3 and xliv. 4. 6. " That " seems 
more apt than " the." 7. " According to (divine) purpose thus calling 
them fortune." " Cleping " qualifies "clerkis" in line i. Cf. close of 
stanza cxlix. 

CXLVIII. I. "Knawing" may be either gerund or provincial form of 
" knawin." 5. " Anerly," a common form of " onely," would amend 
the metre. 

CXLIX. 6. " And commune " should be " in commune," as in cxlvii. 6. 

CLI. 3. MS. reading "quod he" shews a lapse from autobiographical stand- 
point. But, as scribal slips are numerous, it would be unfair to base an 
argument upon he. 4. "Straught as ony lyne" : cf. Flo'wer and Leaf, 

I. 29. Cf. C. T. E. 2230. Tytler quotes Paradise Lost, iv. 555 sqq. 
CLII. 4-6. Cf. R. R., 11. 122-27. 

CLIII. 1-4. Highly elliptical. "That" wants verb, and relative nom. to 
" lap " is also wanting. 3 . " Lap," pret. of " lepe " ; cf. Burns' Hallomie en, 
"lap the hool," leapt the husk : cf. Chaucer, P. F., 11. 183-89. 7. "Ges- 
serant," a coat or cuirass of fine mail, is found also as " gesseron," " ies- 
seraunt," O.F. " jazerant." See s.v. Mayhew and Skeat's Concise Dictionary 
of Middle English. 
CLIV. 3. W.'s "syde" is better rhythmically than S.'s "longg." 
CLV. 1. For lion as king of beasts, cf. Dunbar, The Thrissill and the Rois, 
St. 13-16. 2. The panther is compared to the emerald because of its 
beauty. In O.E. Bestiary statement is : 

Panter is an wilde der 

Is non fairere in werlde her. 

The Panther is therefore the symbol of Christ, who is fairer than all 
others. 3. Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, C. 124, opens his account of the 
squirrel with this characteristic : " Arguitur etiam desidiae ignavia hominis 
torpens, dum scuruli providam solertiam non attendit." 4. Ibid. C. 140 : 
"Asinus animal onerifenim mancipium servituti addictum." 6. "Keen- 
eyed lynx" : ibid. C. 138 : "Lynx acumine visus perspicue novem fertur 
parietes penetrate." On the rhinoceros or unicorn. Ibid. C. 104 : "Refert 
autem Isidorus quod tantae est fortitudinis ut nulla venantium virtute 
capiatur. Virgo autem proponitur puella, quae venienti sinum aperit, 
in quo omni ferocitate deposit! ille caput ponit sicque soporatus, velut 
inermis capitur." Neckam returns to the subject in his De Laudibus 
Di'vinae Sapientiae, 11. 167, 168 : 

Rhinoceros capitur amplexu virginis 
Consimili renuat proditione capi. 

CLVI. 2. This line recalls Neckam's opening verses on tiger as above, 

II. 127, 128 : 

Tigris, sublato foetu, velocior aura 
Instat atrox, sed nee segnius hostis abit. 

"Fery"- S. explains as "active," and connects with Icelandic/af>T: cf. 
King Horn, 1. 149, "hoi and fer," the modern Scots "hale and fere." 
3. "The elephant who loves to stand." In O.E. Bestiary (E. E. T. S.) 


this epithet is explained by account given of habits of elephants, II. 620 
sqq. They bring forth in a standing position ; when they fali they have 
no power to rise, and as they lean against trees to rest, the hunter saws 
these almost through, so that when elephants rest they may fall by the tree 
giving way. 4, See Chaucer, N. P. T. 5. "The high hills are a refuge 
for the wild goats," Ps. civ. 18. Looking to the literary origin of many 
of these allusions to animals, one is disposed to find in " elk for alblas- 
trye" a reference to horn-tipped bows. It is even possible that the poet 
knew about the use of horns for bows. Perhaps he had read somewhere 
of the bow of Pandarus. 

CLVII. 2. My colleague, Dr. Soutar, suggests the reading "martrik sable," 
which is in keeping with the scheme of epithets in these stanzas. Same 
reading is found in N. E. D. 5. " The wolf that does not hesitate at 
murder." "Ho" as equivalent to "halt" or "pause" is found in The 
Bruce, xx. 1. 429, "And sa he did withouten ho." See also Gower, C. A. 
vii. 571, 5438. In Chaucer, C. T. A. 2533, "Ho" is the signal for 
silence and attention. In same tale, A. 1706, Theseus " cride Hoo !" 
commanding Palamon and Arcite to pause. Cf. also Q. J. 566. 6. Beaver 
is characterised in C. 140 of Neckam's He Naturis Rerum. 

CLVIII. 3. S., Introd., p. xxxiii, suggests that "furth" may be read as dis- 
syllabic. W. thinks this strained, and not in accordance with ordinary 
sense of " furth," as adverb. He suggests " by," but cxxvi. i would indi- 
cate " to " as more appropriate, or even " unto " with light extra syllable 
in middle of verse. 

CLIX. 2. " A round place and y-wallit " is suggested as alternative to 
"rounde." 3. "Eftsones" mends metre: it is found as trisyllable in 
xlii. 2. One might venture to read " In myddis (monosyllable) quhare-of 
eftsonfis." 4. " Hufing" : "waiting," cf. The Bruce, xix. 345, " He gart 
hufe to byd thar cummyng" ; also ibid. 585, "He swa abaid hufand"; 
and L. L. 1046. 6. "Vpon" before, or "thar" after "quhich" would 
mend the metre. 

CLX. 2. S.s "vnto" and W.'s "diuersfi" both amend the rhythm, but putting 
"mony" before "diuerse" and reading "semyt" as monosyllable (see 
clxiii. 3) would be more in keeping with poet's manner. 4. S.'s conjecture 
for filling lacuna is excellent, but the amended text given is supported by 
xcvii. 6, 7, and xcv. 7. 

CLXI. Another instance of run-on stanza, i. S.'s suggestion "eremyn" as 
sound of word commends itself 3. " ChierS," for countenance, is not 
so common as " chere," but it is several times found in Gower, C. A. 

4. " And than," " thus " probably from line above, " It would relax." 
CLXII. 7. The absence of contraction in "I ne wist" may be compared with 

The Flower and the Leaf, 1. 104, " Ne wist I in what place I was." Cf. 
C. T. E. 1490, 
CLXIII. 3. " Strong," " hard," "severe," seems as apt as " strange " to which 

5. alters the text. 4. "Thareon" instead of "than" amends sense and 

CLXIV. I. We must either read "quhele" with W. or take "void" as dis- 
syllable, or both, for sake of rhythm, z. W.'s suggestion commends 
itself. " Straight from the lowest point to the highest there was little 
vacant space on the wheel." 2, 5. With "hye" rhyming to "hye," 
cf clviii. 2, 4, "mynd," "mynd." 3. " Had " before " sat " is given as an 
alternative to "longS" and "into place." 6. "Tofore" is suggested as 
an alternative to "so sore." 

CLXV. 3. "It" seems more appropriate than " thaim " as object to "hath 



y-thrungin." 5. Taking "euer" as dissyllable makes vocal final 'i in 
" Bewe" unnecessary. 
CLXVI. 4. The conjectural reading in text is slightly more musical than MS., 
and " hailsing" or embracing a goddess seems hardly in keeping with the 
poet's humility. " Half abashed for shame " is more apt. Cf. xlix. 5. 
CLXVII. 5. " Along and across," i.e., " through my whole being." The 
phrase is used in the Knight's Tale in description of the doors of the 
Temple of Mars : 

The dores were al of adamant eterne 
Y-clenched overthwart and endelong 
With iren tough. 
CLXVIII. 3, "Bet" is here equivalent to "nothing but," "only.'' 7. On 
poet and chess, see Introd., p. Ivii, also Charles d'Orl^ans, Poime de la 
Prison, Ballade Ivili., 11. 1-9. 
CLXIX. 5. "Stale." It is difficult to reject the meaning stale mate, as t\ie 
chess metaphor is repeated in this stanza, and it fits the situation because 
in stale mate neither the King nor any other piece can be moved. A 
parallel passageis hard to find. In Reson and Sensuallyte, 5901-3, we read : 
Whan the play I-ended was 
Atwex hem two, thus stood the cas : 
Without a maat on outher syde. 

" Stalle," found also as " stal " and " stale " (vid. Mayhew and Skeat's 
CD. M. E.) means place, station, prison. Cf. next st. 3, "y-stallit." 
6. " Without joy (or prosperity) from the fates." 
CLXX. .;. Accenting "wantis" and " confdrt " makes addition of final e to 
"hert" unnecessary. For omission of rel. before "suld," cf. xvii. 5. 
5, 6, 7. A very difficult passage, and possibly in 7 corrupt. S. takes 
" Be " as a preposition, and translates " be froward opposyt," " by means 
of the perverse men opposite you," and 7, "Now shall they turn and 
look on the dirt." He rejects emphatically the rendering of Jamieson, 
who takes " dert " as a verb. W. alters " quhere " to " thare," explains 
" aspert " as a derivative from O.F. esperdre, " to be astonished " ; makes 
" be " a prep, and translates : " Though thy beginning has been retro- 
grade " — i.e., " Though thou at the beginning of thy life course hast 
been kept back and oppressed by shameful men who opposed it, now 
shall they turn round in stupid astonishment and fall in the mud." But 
" be " is probably imperative of verb and aspert is appert, open, and the 
closing words of 7 may be " lukfis on the dert," dert being, as Jamieson 
asserts, a verb. A possible rendering is, therefore : " Though the early 
part of thy love-suit has had opposition, be obstinate, resolved, and like- 
wise open, now the fates shall turn and dart looks upon thee." This is 
certainly far from satisfactory, not least so from the fact that " dart " as 
verb in this figurative sense is not found early. In N. E. D. the earliest 
passage quoted is from Shakespeare's l^enus and Adonis, 1. 1 96. 7. A couplet 
in Chaucer (C. T. D., 75, 76) suggests a widely different and certainty a 
more poetic rendering : 

The dart is set up of virginitee, 
Cacche who so may, who renneth best lat see. 
Professor Skeat, in his notes to these lines in his edition of Chaucer, 
interprets " dart " as " prize," and he quotes Lydgate, Falls of Princes, 
fol. xxvi. i 

And oft it happeneth he that hath best ron 
Doth not the spere like his desert possede. 


He mentions also that on the margin of the EUesmere MS., at this point, 
there is a quotation from S. Jerome : " Proponit AyuvoBh-qs praemium, 
inuitat ad cursum, tenet in manu uirginitatis brauiura, et clamitat qui 
potest capere, capiat." In the foot-race in the Aeneid (Book V.) Cretan 
darts are a part of the gift made to all the nmners. " Goal " would suit 
our poet's context even better than "prize," and would form an appro- 
priate contrast to a " retrograde beginning.^' 

CLXXI. 5. « Prime," early part of day, 6 to 9 a.m. S. makes this allegorical. 
It may well refer literally to conversation with Venus about the natural 
time of day when imaginary conversation was taking place. 

CLXXII. I. " Tho tofore" is better than "this tofore." " Tho " gives 
antecedent to "That" in 2. 4. Cf Q. J., 11. 216-7. 4. 5- Rhymes "fall," 
"fall." See dviii. 2, 4, clxiv. 2, 5. 

CLXXIII. This reference to conflict is by S. compared to Chaucer, T. and C. 
iv. 302-8. For thought on spiritual character of soul, cf. R. R. 5653 
sqq., and on conflict between flesh and spirit, S. Paul, Ep. Galat. v. 17. 

CLXXlV. 1. Reading " couert," and taking it as p.p. of" coueren," to recover, 
W". translates : " When I came to myself, I thought actually to see all 
that had happened in my dream-vision." The pret. and p.p. " couerit " 
is common, and pret. occurs in Ckristis Kirk on the Grene, st. xiii. ; " Than 
with thre routes sone thay raisit him, And couerit him out of swoune.'' 
But " Touert " is probably the MS. reading. " Mene " means either 
" I intend " or " I grieve." If latter be preferred, rendering would be : 
" I grieve to consider all this matter bearing upon myself." 

CLXXV. 3. MS. "in" naturally suggests "into" as metrical amendment. 
7. " Avisioun" : cf. Book ofDuc/iess, 285. 

CLXXVI. 4. In MS. " humily " is written as in cvi. 4, without stroke over 
a and with curl to i, thus, J. 5, " More " is redundant. 

CLXXVII. 3. With coming of dove, cf Mort d' Arthur, xi. c. 2 ; "And 
anon there came in a dove at a window, and in her mouth there seemed 
a little censer of gold." Also In Memoriam, ciii., st. 4 ; 

Then flew in a dove 
And brought a summons from the sea. 

" Calk " is common Northern form. 7. See note on st. xxxiv. Accent- 
ing kalindis makes change in text unnecessary. 

CLXXVIII. I, 2. Cf T. G., I. 593 sqq., where Venus casts hawthorn 
branches into lady's lap. 4. " Lettris " would be more apt than " branchis." 
Cf. Legends of the Saints, xliii. 109-11 : 

And in his hand bare a buke 

})e quhilk rycht fare ves on to luke 

Vith goldene lettris wrytene brod. 

CLXXIX. 4. See L. L., 1. 80. 6. " The flouris fair present " is an absolute 
construction, and "present" is p.p., cf civ. i. 

CLXXX. 1. "Quhilk" refers to all brought by dove, branch, green stalks, 
writing. "It," in 3, refers to writing only. 

CLXXXI. 2. This line qualifies "paynis" in 3, and the rendering is : "Which 
token truly thereafter, day by day, from henceforth did away the pains- 
which had before mastered all my wits." 7. As W. points out, « souiraine" 
is demanded by rhyme. r t> r 

CLXXXII. 2. "With so little justification (or equity)." Cf Professor 
Gregory Smith's Specimens of Middle Scots, p. 83, 1. 20: "Held the 
landis apon lytill evin and small title of rycht in thai times." 4. " Had 


once crept into heaven." "Crepen" in Mid. Eng. is found both strong 
and weak. " Crepte," " creap," " crep," and " crope " are all found as 
pret., just as in Mod. Scots both "crap" and "creepit" are used. 
5. "O thank," i.e., "one thought." One would look for "of thank" 
" from gratitude." 

CLXXXIV. This stanza has no complete sentence and should possibly be 
read " Beseche I," or there should be a comma after " felicitee " in 
preceding line, and the whole thought in both stanzas should be con- 
nected with " I pray " in cbcxxv. 4. Plainly the poet either had a finite 
verb or thought he had one. W. connects with clxxxiii. 6. Once more, 
as in i. 2, and Q. J., 11. 9, 10, we have pres. Ipart. used like present or 
pret. indie. 4, 5, 6. " His " violates concord in view of " brethir " and 
" seruandis." Unfortunately one cannot venture to substitute Chaucerian 
"her" or "hir." 5. Elliptical and grammatically confused. Venus is 
asked to assuage the lover's pain and to direct events so that he may soon 
stand in favour. 

CLXXXV. 4. The abbreviated forms " prentissehed " and " prentis " are not 
uncommon in M.E. and M. Scots. 7. "Lo !" a mannerism, see note 
on xlix. 5 

CLXXXVI. 2. Cf L. L. 15. 3. "Has" with plur. nom., cf. cxliv. 6; 
"curage at the rose to pull," cf. R. R. 3361-66 ; 4069-80 ; 4117-28. 

CLXXXVII. Lines 5-7 suggest the narrative of the King's death. 7. "From 
the deth" : cf. L. L. 2959. 

CLXXXVIII. '5, 6. " Remufe " seems passive in 5, but in 6 " bot onely deth " 
implies that the poet treats it as active. 

CLXXXIX. I. "Blisfull" : see cxcii. 4. 2. Tytler is little to be blamed for 
reading " glateren," as only a magnifying glass shews that an apparent 
a is it. 

CXCI. 3. "Sanctis marciall," which S. interprets "Saints of the month of 
March," must be considered somewhat inapt after " castle wall " and 
before " green boughs." " Marciall " invariably means " martial," 
"pertaining to war,^' as in Chaucer, T. and C. iv. 1669: " torney 
marcial," and " factis merciall " in the prologue to TAe Spectacle ofL(nje 
(Greg. Smith, Specimens 18, 1. 2). Indeed, "factis," by the simple sub- 
stitution of s for/" and writing a instead of a, would become " Sanctis." 
The alternative reading " factis marciall " is therefore given in note to 
amended text. 4. " Accident," referring to his capture by enemies at 
sea, as told in st. xxiv. 7. " Se " seems more apt than " be." 

CXCII. 5, 6. See Introd., pp. liv, Iv, also for cxciii. 5-7. 

CXCIV. Stock medieval apology, cf. close of Q. J. and of Homier and Leaf. 

3. " Pray the reder " suggests a wide appeal. 

CXCV. I. Reading as monosyllable, "cummyst" makes MS. reading "in 

the presence" quite rhythmical. 3. "To here," cf. iv. i. 
CXCVI. I. "Endith" for " endit." Cf L. L. passim and Q. J., 1. 16, 

4. "Sitt," "sitteth." 

CXCVII. I. "Inpnis," even when amended to "impnis," connected as it is 
with 11. 6, 7, has no meaning. Hymns have no souls and books are not 
recommended to them. " Ympis," meaning " scions," gives good sense, 
and recalls Chaucer's 

Of fieble trees ther commen wrecched ympes (C. T. B. 3145)- 

2. See Introd., pp. Ix-lxvi, for debt to Gower and Chaucer, and on 
omission of Lydgate as one of poet's masters. 


The scribal slips in the MS. text of this poem are relatively few, and there is 
no such elementary scheme of punctuation as in the larger portion of the text 
of the Kin^s Quair. The actual text, but with modem pointing and initial 
capitals to proper names, is given in the poem as printed. Suggested textual 
amendments and the more important variants of the Bannatyne Club editor 
are given in the footnotes. Many of his deviations from the MS. are errors 
of transcription. Overlining of letters in MS. text of both Quairs is erratic, 
often indeed meaningless, but in this respect the Quare of Jelusy is the worse 
of the two. In the text as printed, overlining is therefore shewn only where 
it is fairly clear and emphatic. 

1. Sqq. Opening, on a morning in May, and many little descriptive touches 
may be compared with opening of Romaunt of the Rose and of The Goldyn 
Targe of Dunbar, as well as with that of L. L. and K. Q., for contrast. 

3, 4. Cf Goldyn Targe, 65, 66, "Felde . . . bene." "Bene" often used for 
"is," L., L. 1. 46. 

6. C£ Chaucer, L. G. W., B. 123-127 : 

Forgeten had the erthe his pore estate 
Of wyntir, that him naked made and mate. 
And with his swerd of cold so sore greved. 
Also Squire's Tale, 1. 57 : 

Agayne the swerd of winter kene and cold. 

7. The date is the 9th of May, cf Squire's Tale, 1. 47 : " The last Idus 

of March." 
9, 10. "Ascending . . . and forth his bemys sent." Concord demands either 
"ascendit" in I. 9, or "had" for "and" in 1. 10. For similar construc- 
tion cf K. Q. i. 2, and clxxxiv. i. 

13. Cf. Knight's Tale, 11. 182-189 ; ibid. 699 ; T. and C. ii. 112. 

14. Cf K. Q. X. 2. 18. " Ayer" is dissyllabic. 
23-26. Cf K. Q. X. I sqq. 26. Cf. K. Q. cxvi. 2. 
29. "And power has," cf. Ballad of Good Counsel. 

35-45. Cf. K. Q. xxxiii., xl. sqq. 39, 40. Cf T. G. 276. 
41. "Giidliare," K. Q. xlix. 3. 

44. Cf Knight's Tale, 1. 242 : K. Q. xlii., xliv. 

45. Cf. Dunbar, G. T., I. 133. 

52. "Sche sor/owit/sche sik't/sche sore/compleyn/it." 

59. "Goddesse Imeneus." One of many instances in Middle Scots poetry 
of ignorance of classical mythology. Cf 1. 313 i K. <J. xix. 3 ; and 
XX. I sqq., and Henryson's 0. and E. 11. 30, 31. Poet might have 
seen picture or statue of girlish-looking Hymenjeus, and have supposed 
the god a goddess. Cf. Chaucer, C. T. E. 1730-1 : " Ymeneus that god 
of fl(eddyng is." 



62. Frequent use of "quhy" as a noun is common to Q. J., K. Q., and L. L. 

63. "Under your rigorous law." For use of "strong" in this sense (French 
fort), cf K. Q. Ixviii. 3 ; vid. also Gower, Conf. Amant. v. 7377-8, quoted 
in Introd., section iii. 

64. "As certainly as (I am) here in thy presence." 

71-2. "Pluto and his derk regioun." Cf Chaucer, C. T. A., 2082, and 
C. T. F. 1074 sqq. ; 

Prey hire to sinken every rok adoun 

Into hir owene dirke regioun 

Under the ground ther Pluto dwelleth inne. 

71-74. Vid. Ovid, Metamorph. v. 

82. With prayer to Jupiter^ cf. K. Q. xxv. 6, 7. 

83. "And wote," necessary for metre and grammar. 
86. "Ilk," every, is demanded by the context. 

88. Cf L. L. 922. 

89. " Ane othir dance," cf 1. 226 ; also K. Q. xlv. 48, and clxTtxv. 2. 
102. Cf L. L., 1. 841. 

HI. "Hir aUone." Kindred constructions are found : "Walkand your 
allone," and " thair allane," by themselves. Vid. Gregory Smith, Speci- 
mens of Middle Scots, p. 68, 18, and p. 67, 12. 

121. Use of interrogation. Cf. L. L. 160. See Introd., section iii. 

122. i " Quhy," as noun. Cf. 1. 62. 
130. Cf K. Q. Iviii. 

122-132. Cf. Chaucer's Squire's Tale, 450-452 ; 

Is this for sorwe of deeth or los of love ? 
For, as I trowe, thise ben causes two 
That causen most a gentil herte wo. 

137. With "cherlisch" cf. Chaucer, C. T. F. 1523. 

1 6 1-2. A commonplace with Chaucerians English and Scottish. Cf 11. 185-6. 

172. The death of Hercules, after his poisoning by the shirt of Nessus sent 

by Deianeira, is described by Ovid, Metamorph. ix. ; vid. also Temple of 

Glas, 787-8 ; Black Knight, 344 ; Chaucer, Monk's Tale, 3285 sqq. ; C. T. D. 

725-6 ; Gower, Conf. Amant., Bk. II. 2298-2302. 
173-4. Nero slew himself only when he realised that his pursuers were near 

at hand, Suetonius, Nero, 48, 49. 

176. Charon's boat, presumably. 

177. Cf Chaucer, P. F. 7. 

180. Rhythm demands a trisyllable instead of "menyt." "Inuyit," a con- 
jectural reading, suits the rhythm, is like "menyt" in form, and gives 
an intelligible meaning. 

185-6. Vid. supra 161-2. 

191. Invocation may be compared with K. Q. xiv. 

194. "I" probably taken down from line above. "Ay" is demanded by 
context : "who are always void." 

198. "Ony" is given as conjectural reading for "mony," which implies a 
something contradictory to the poet's thought. 

203. "Suffering," for "sufferen." Cf. 228 and 369 ; also L. L. 443, 2971. 

212. "At your myght," i.e., "to the utmost of your power." 

216-7. Cf K. Q. clxxii. 3, 4. 

218. "Into this erth" a mannerism in Q. J. Cf L. L. 2874, znA. passim. 

220. " Worldis," for " wordes," requires no defence. 

221. "Ne were," cf. K. Q. clxii. 7. 


222. Proverbs xii. 4, and xxxi. 10-31 ; also Ecclesiasticus xxvi. 

223. The yerseis incomplete ; a syllable is wanted after "worth." Supply- 
ing " is " gives the meaning " much honour is from their rule." 

226. " Apoun ane othir dance." Cf. 1. 89, and K. Q., as above. 
228. "Suffren," Midland, pres. plur. 
242. " His," lapse from concord. 251. " ^ck't." 

267. "Anker in the stone," i.e., "nun (or monk) in the cloister." Cf English 
Poems of Charles d'Orl^ans, p. 260, Roxburghe Club Edition : 

A sely anker that in the selle 
I-closid art with stone, and gost not out. 
272-3. "Sche . . . they." Cf. 11. 104.5. 

284. For spy of the jealous person of. R. R. 4285-7 : 

Ther hath ordeyned lelousye 
An olde vekke forto espye 
The maner of his governance. 

285. One must either read "tailis," which is an unusual pronunciation, or 
supply some such word as " ^it " before " no." 

289. "As far as he can bring it about." 

295. Cf. Chaucer, The Compleynt of f aire Anelyda upon Fah Arryte, 87. 

300. Must read either "into old " or "in olde." Cf. Chaucer, P. F. 24. 

303. "Verreis." The form of this word would indicate the meaning " wars," 
or "makes war," but the context seems to demand "wearies." "For 
Solomon says to him who fancies that there is always something behind, 
and grows weary of holding fast by the nature of love." 

307. "That hot," so hot. Cf K. Q. xlii. 3. 

311. "Ecco," vid. for story of Echo, Ovid, Metamorph. iii. 356 sqq. ; Gower, 
Conf. Amanits, v. 4573-4652. Chaucer, C. T. E. 1189-90 — Envoy to 
Clerk's Tale : 

Folweth Ekko, that holdeth no silence. 
But ever answereth at the countretaille. 

313. "Thesiphone," vid. above,!. 59, and note in locoj also note on K. Q. xix. 

318-23. " Sydrake . . . Bokas King." The book, which is entitled Bacchus 
and Sidrake, is thus described in Brunet's Manuel de Libraire : " This 
curious book, in which to very singular questions are made answers still 
more singular." There are one thousand and eighty-four questions. The 
first edition was printed at Paris in i486. It was translated into English 
by Hugo Caumpden, and published by Thomas Godfrey, probably in 
1560. There is a MS. of the French original in the Bodleian Library 
(MSS. Bodl. 461) : "Le livre de Sydrac le philosophe, apell6 livre de la 
Fontane de totes sapiences." It is thus characterised : " Est quasi systema 
totius philosophiae naturalis et Astrologicae." A manuscript English 
translation is also in the Bodleian (MSS. Laud. 559). The book takes 
its title from the chief characters in the narrative leading up to the 
didactic portion which forms the body of the treatise. Bocchus is an 
Eastern potentate. King of Bactria in the great Ind. He has an enemy. 
King Garab, who rules over the greater part of India. Against this 
enemy Bocchus had begun to fortify a city, but what was built by day 
was cast down by night. By the advice of his lords and commonalty 
he sent for astronomers and philosophers, promising rich rewards to the 
counsellor who should enable him to overcome the mysterious hostile 
power which produced this portent. The astronomers asked for forty 


days to consider the matter. Their prudent delay notwithstanding, they 
were able to give but barren counsel, and were therefore thrown into 
prison. This failure delighted Garab, who now sent to demand the 
daughter of Bocchus "to be his fere." But the proposal so enraged 
Bocchus that he killed the messengers, and caused proclamation to be 
made, offering his daughter in marriage and very great treasure to any 
man who could get him out of his difficulty. As he was sitting in 
heaviness an old man appeared, who promised to help him, saying that 
he desired no reward. He told the king that a messenger must be sent 
to Tractaban for the book on Astronomy which Noah had in Ottylye. He 
was to ask at the same time for the loan of the astronomer Sydrak. 

Tractaban received the messenger gladly. He knew about the old 
book which had belonged to Noah. This book told of something on 
a hill which had the remarkable property of enabling anyone who came 
to it to do whatever he would. He had never reached the hill him- 
self, but he knew that Bocchus was powerful and would succeed. He 
accordingly sent him the book and Sydrak. 

On his arrival Sydrak told Bocchus that the land was bewitched. He 
advised him to find a hill far in the land of Ind, the Raven's Green- 
hiU, to which Noah had despatched the raven in search of dry land. 
The hill was four days' journey in length and three days' journey in 
breadth, and it lay near the country of the Amazons. On it grew 
twelve thousand herbs, four thousand good, four thousand bad, and four 
thousand neither good nor bad. The people of the land were strange 
to look upon, for they had human bodies and hounds' faces. And in 
order to gain one's heart's desire one must seek among the good herbs 
without ceasing to find the right herb. 

King Bocchus rejoiced, and resolved to undertake the journey. On 
the thirteenth day he arrived at the foot of the Raven's Greenhill, where 
he rested for three days. He had to fight the inhabitants, and after a 
stout struggle he was victorious. Now Bocchus was a heathen and knew 
not God, but Sydrak believed in the Trinity. Bocchus had taken his 
"maumetts" with him, and he took out these idols and offered sacri- 
fice on the eighteenth day after he came to the hill. Sydrak, seeing 
this, wondered, and from wonder he passed to rage, and refiised to offer 
any sacrifice save to Him who made heaven and earth. At this point 
he suggested a prayer-competition between himself and an idolator. 
Sydrak prayed to God to overcome the devil, and fire came down from 
heaven and destroyed the idols, and killed one hundred and twenty 
persons, the devil himself escaping with a great cry. King Bocchus, who 
barely escaped, was so angry that he cast Sydrak into prison. There he 
lay for nine days, andj in spite of strenuous effort on the part of Bocchus 
and his Council to make a pagan of him, he clave to his religion, and 
was comforted by an angel who promised that the prisoner should yet 
convert King Bocchus. 

The angel showed Sydrak the manner of going to work. He was 
to procure an earthen pot, and set it on three stakes in the name of 
the Trinity. He was to fill the pot with clear water, and invite the 
king to look into the water. As Bocchus did this, he saw the Trinity 
in heaven, and the angels standing round. Bocchus believed, but asked 
how could Three be in One, and he was told to consider how the Sun 
and Light and Heat are one. 

A fresh disputation with the representatives of idolatry followed, and 


Sydrak was victorious. He was given poison to drink, but the poison 
did not hurt him. His opponents were killed by thunder and lightning. 
Bocchus was thought by his people to be mad, but he adhered to his 
Christian profession and was instructed by Sydrak. 

The body of the book is taken up by Sydrak's answers to the many 
questions put to him. 
330. "Feuir that is cotidiane." Cf. Gower on Jealousy in Conf. Amantis, 
Bk. V. 11. 4.29-634., and particularly 4.63-4 : 

So as it worcketh on a man 
A Feivre, it is cotidian. 

334-5. "Herubus . . , fat of Inuye the fader is." This statement about 
Erebus comes directly or indirectly from Cicero, De Natura Deorum, 
iii. 17 : "Quod si ita est Coeli quoque parentes dii habendi sunt, Aether 
et Dies, eorumque fratres et sorores, qui a genealogis antiquis sic nomi- 
nantur, Amor, Dolus, Metus, Labor, Invidentia, Fatum, Senectus, Mors, 
Tenebrae, Miseria, Querela, Gratia, Fraus, Pertinacia, Parcae, Hesperides, 
Somnia : quos omnes Erebo et Nocte natos ferunt." 

344. "Ay to the worst he demith." Cf. Chaucer, Squire'' s Tale, 1. 224 : 

They demen gladly to the badder end. 

351. Book of Daniel i. 11-16. 

355. "Tygir," cf. Squire's Tale, 543 : 

This tygre ful of doublenesse. 

360. "Which Christ calls the wedding garment," S. Matt. xxii. 1-14. 

361. " Without wiiich." 

362. " But he misses the joy and the feast." 
363-5. I Corinthians xiii. " Most," " greatest." 
366. " Chapture," an unusual form for " chapitre." 

374. "Lyvith" and " birnyth," used for pres. indie, plural, like Scottish 

"lyvis" and "birnis." Cf. K. Q. cxviii. 4. 
378. Two syllables needed to complete measure. Suggested reading, "Thare 

cummith suich " fits context and amends metre. 
382-6. This fifteenth-century Scottish criminal is not named in any of the 

older histories. 
391-3. For construction cf Chaucer, C. T. D. 925-930, and ibid. 257-261. 
396-400. S. Matt, xviii. 7-9. 
401. Cf. Chaucer, C. T. H. 314-5, and 332-3 : 

Daun Salomon, as wise clerkes seyn, 
Techeth a man to kepen his tonge weel 

* * * * 

The firste vertu, sone, if thou wolt leere. 
Is to restreyne and kepe wel thy tonge. 

401-2. Among poets who write on government of tongue is the author of 
the Ballad of Good Counsel : 

Sen word is thrall, and thocht is only fre 
Thou dant thy tung, that power has and may. 

Cf. also Henryson in Aganis Haisty CreddenceofTitlaris. S. James iii. was 
probably also in poet's mind. 
403. Cf Epistle of S. James iii. 2 : "If any man offend not in word, the same 
is a perfect man." 


404. Cf. Chaucer, C. T. D. 775-779 : 

" Bet is,'' quod he, " thyn habitacioun 

Be with a leoun or a foul dragoun, 

Than with a womman usynge for to chyde." 

" Bet is," quod he, " hye in the roof abyde, 

Than with an angry wyf doun in the hous." 

404-6. Cf. Ps. Ivii. 4, and Ecclesiasticus xxv, 16 : "I had rather dwell with a 
lion and a dragon than to keep house with a wicked woman. " 

414- "Tak kepe," cf. C. T. E. 1058. 

415-21, A pardonable h)rperbole. Vid. Proverbs vi. 34 and Canticles viii. 6. 

422. sqq. The Emperor Henry II. of Germany (S. Henry). The story of his 
jealousy of his empress, Cunegunda, is told in the Legenda Aurea. The 
tale of the ordeal of Cunegunda, of Henry's danger after death, and of 
S. Lawrence's intervention for his salvation, is told in the Scottish Legends 
of the Saints under S. Laurence. See S. T. S. edition, ed. Metcalfe, i., 
pp. 422-424. 

432. Hiatus, "the ilk." Cf. K. Q. clxii. 7. 

443. " Usith " rhymes with "ariseth." This pronunciation is still found in 
certain N. Scottish dialects, where " use '' is eece. " Use of," in the sense 
of French user de is an uncommon idiom. 

446. See above note on 391. 

458. " The tone," i.e., " that one.'' " Harmyth to," imitation of Latin 
construction, to shew dative. 

462. " Scland'rith," " feyn'th." 

464. " Euill " here, as almost invariably, a monosyllable. 

467. Cf Lydgate, Temple of Glas, 148, "Serpent of fals Jalousye" ; also T". G. 
interpolated stanzas between 495, 496, Schick's edition, p. 21. Chaucer, 
C. T. F. 511-12. 

468-9. Cf. Douglas, ii. 171, Prologue to Aeneid, Bk. IV. 

469. "Thou lovith," "thou feynyth." Apparently a false analogical form. 
Regular Scots inflection is "lovis," "feynis." Cf. 553 and 541. 

474. Context demands "verray," not "euery." 

479. Similarly " his," not " this." 

480. With "althirmost" cf "althir best," L. L. 109. 

493. " Provith," for " provit," as in L. L. Cf. K. Q. cxcvi. i ; L. L. passim. 
5^6-7. "Who shall bewail in their weeping, evening and morning, those who 

see beforehand, but who yet afterwards run to their own sorrow." 
524. "Soundith vnto gude. " Cf. Chaucer, C. T., Prologue 307 : "Sowninge 

in moral vertu was his speche" ; also L. L. Prologue 149 : "Quhich 

soundith not on to no heuynes." Cf. Chaucer, C. T. H. 195 : "That 

sowneth into vertu." 
533. "Sewe" seems preferable to "schewe," as what the poet means is "to 

pursue," not "to show." 

536. "For if it please you." "Lestith," cf. K. Q. 9, 147. 

537. "To drinkyn of the tonne." Cf. Chaucer, Clerk's Tale, 214 : 

Wei ofter of the welle than of the tonne 
She drank. 

C. T. D. 170, and P. F. 104. 
541. "Hath thou." See note on 1. 469. "Danger" means "scorn" or 

543. Interpreting the text as it stands in the MS., we have "and expels all 

thy love in penance," etc. Reading " lyfe " for " lufe," we have " and 


all thy life continues henceforth in penance," etc. Cf. K. Q. xx. 7, 
"Upward his course to driue in ariete." 

54.8. Cf. Chaucer : "The swerd of sorwe, y-whet with fals plesaunce " {Compl. 
affaire Anel. ziz). L. L. 29 : "The dredful suerd of lowis hot dissire." 

549-50. Cf. K. Q. xiv. 6 sqq. The natural image is "weltering" rather 
than "walking." 

551. "And knows not how to proceed or where to find a haven." 

5S3. "Passith." See above, 469, 541. 

557. "Fyir" is dissyllabic. In K. Q. and Q. J. many words like "fyir,"' 
"ayer," "fair," are occasionally dissyllabic, as they are in certain dialect- 
forms to this day. "Fire" is monysyllable in 599. 

560. " By your own resolve." 561. "Consum'th." 

563-6. The passage is elliptical and obscure. "For since it is so (or 'true 
it is," reading ' suth '), you do not fail merely in one of the two aspects of 
your being, that is to say with respect to your earthly life ; but you shall 
suffer in woe always, thereafter to be punished eternally, without ceasing. 
And very fitting it is that you should be so punished. He is your master ; 
the Father of Hatred, from whom comes every evil purpose, whose love 
you always very busily preserve, rewards and serves you according to 
your desert." 

566. "Ho,"cf. K. Q. clvii. 5. 

581. " Quho hath the worst," i.e., "who takes the worse part." 

582. The Epilogue gives a stock poetic conclusion. Cf, K. Q. and T. G. 
589. "Levith" is better than "beleu'th." "Leave the diction, and accept the 

purpose of the poem." 
591. "Turment," p.p. "tormented." 
597-607. The whole spirit of this conclusion may be contrasted with K. Q., 

clxxxi.-cxci., where the happy lover is at peace. Cf. also T. G. 

1393 sqq. 


The Parts of Speech are indicated by the usual abbreviations. References to 
the several poems are given thus : K. (Kingis Quair), J. (Quare of Jelusy), 
C. (Ballad of Good Counsel). To the first the reference is by stanzas, to 
the others by lines. A word introduced into the text is marked a.r., 
alternative reading. 

A, adj. one, K. 64, J. 15. 

A, frep. on, K. 20. 

Abaisit, Abaist, v. p.p. abashed, K. 41, 

Abandoun, s. abandon (Fr.), aban- 

donment, K. 25. 
Abate, s. attack, surprise, K. 40. 
Abhominable, adj. abominable, J. 

Abit, V. 3. s. pres. abideth, K. 133. 
Abufe, adv. above, K. 184. 
Abune, prep, above, J. 103. 
Accident, s. happening, incident, 

K. 191. 
■^Accorde, w. agree, be fitting, K. 92, 

J- 134, 567. 

Acquyte, v. requite, J. 315. 

Adoun, adv. down, passim. 

Aduert, v. shew, announce, K. 25. 

Aduertence, s. attention, knowledge, 
control, K. 108. 

Affray, s. terror, fright, fray, K. 185, 
C (a) 4. 

Agane, Agayn, Agaynis, /ij-s/i. against, 
K. 29, J. 6, 34, 80, 230. 

Agayn, adv. again, K. 7. 

Agit, adj. aged, K. 83. 

Agone, v. p.p. ago, K. 196. 

Airly, adv. early, K. 23. 

Alawe, adv. below, down, K. 35. 

Alblastrye, s. collect, weapons, cross- 
bows, K. 156. 

Aleye, s. alley, K. 32. 

Alight, V. pret. alighted, K. 61. 

All, adj. all, passim; every, K. 87. 

AUace, interj. alas, J. 61, K. ^y, passim. 

AUeris, adj. gen. pi., O.E. ealra, of 
all, K. 113. 

Allone, adj. alone, J. ig. 

Allutterly, adv. all utterly, entirely, 

wholly, K. 129. 
Almous, adj. alms in adjective sense, 

charitable, J. 424. 
Als, adv. also, J. 382. 
Als, conj. as, J. 37, K. passim. 
Alssone, adv. as soon, K. 174. 
Althirmost, adv. most of all, J. 480. 
Amaille, s. enamel, K. 48. 
Amang, Among, adv. occasionally, 

by turns, K. 33, 66., 81. 
Amang, prep, among, J. 322. 
-iAmene, adj. pleasant, J. 18. 
Amongis, /»-«/. amongst, K. 121. 
Amorettis, s. pi. flowers of some kind, 

love-knots (?), K. 47. 
And, conj. if, K. 161. 6. 
Ane, adj., one, a, an, J. 66, 89, a.r., 
1 K. passim. 

Anerly, adv. only, K. 148, a.r. 
Anewis, s. pi., wreaths, rings, K. 160. 
Anker, s. anchor, K. 100. 
Anker, s. anchorite, nun, J. 267. 
Anon, Anone, adv. immediately, J. 94, 

K. 61, passim. 
Aport, s. bearing, conduct, demean- 
. our, K. 50, 177. 
•'Apoun, prep, upon, J. 93, 106. 
Appesare, s. appeaser, one who allays, 

or mitigates, K. 99. 
Aquary, Aquarius, a sign of the 

zodiac, K. i. 
, Araisit, v. p.p. raised, K. 75. 
iArest, s. stop, pause, K. 61. 
Argewe, v. argue, reason with, K. 27. 
Ariete, ablative of Aries, sign of the 

zodiac, K. 20. 
Armony, s. harmony, K. 33, 152. 
Artow.a. andpron. art thou, K. 58, 173. 




Ase, s. ass, K. 155. 

Aspectis, s. pi. aspects, K, 99, 107. 

Aspert, adj. open (?), astonished (?), 

K. 170 : see note. 
Aspye, 0. espy, K. 31. 
Assay, s. attempt, attack, K. 89. 
-*■ Astert, V. move suddenly, flee, escape, 
J. 12, 68, K. 44. 
Astert, V. pret. of above, K. 40. 
Astonait, astonate, v. p.p. astonished, 

K. 98, 162. 
Atonis, adv. at once, K. 68. 
VAtoure, pref. over, K. 81. 
A-tuo, adv., in two, J, 548. 
Atyre, s. attire, K. i, 46. 
Auaile, v. avail, J. 16. 
Auaille, Avale, v. fall down, descend, 

J. loi, 217 : see Vale. 
Auance, v. advance, promote, assist, 

K. 50, 79, 156. 
Aucht, Aught, V. pret. ought, J. 414, 

K. 120, passim. 
Auenture, s. fortune, experience, ad- 
venture K. 10, passim. 
Auise, Aviso, v. tell, take heed, warn, 

J. motto, J. 445, K. passim. 
^Avise, s. advice, K. 22. 
Aw, V. owe, C. (b) a.r. 20, owest. 
Awayte, s. waiting, watching, K. 121, 

J. 467. 
A-werk, on work, to work, K. 4. 
A win, adj. own, K. 12. 
Awite, V. blame, J. 248 : see Wyte. 
Aworth, adv. patiently, in good part, 
, K. 6. 
Axis, s. fever, feverish attack, K. 67 : 

see Excesse. 
Ay, Aye, adv. ever, always. K. and 

J. passim. 
Ayer, s. air, J. 18, 103. 
Aygone, v. p.p. ago, gone, J. 264. 

Bade, v. pret. prayed, K. 72. 
Balance, s. doubt, K. 142. 
Balas, s. pi. kind of ruby, K. 46. 
Band, s. fetter, chain, captivity, K. 43. 
Barane, adj. barren, bare, J. 523. 
Bare, s. bear {usual Scots form for 

boar is bare), K. 157. 
Batailis, 3. pi. battles, K. 85. 
Be, prep, concerning, by, J. 511, 528, 

K. 20. 
Be, V. inf. ind. pres. and p.p. be, 

Beautee, s. beauty, J. 37, K. 47. 
Bede, v. bid, J. 398. 
Bedis, i. pi. prayers, K. 62. 
Beflll, V. pret. befell, K. 80. 

Begile, v. beguile, K. 90. 
Begone, v. p.p. beset, befallen, hap- 
pened, K. 30, 64. 
Begonne, v. p.p. begun, J. 536, K. 34. 
Begouth, v. pret. began, K. 13, 98. 
Behald, v. behold, J. 108, K. 53. 
Beleue, v. leave, miss, fail of, J. 361. 
Beme, s. beam, J. 10, K. 151. 
Bene, v. pres. indie, and inf. be, passim. 
Bening, adj. benign, J. 196. 
Bere, v. bear, K. 131. 
Bereve, v. bereave, deprive, J. 392. 
Beschade, v. shade, K. 32. 
Beseche, Beseke, v. beseech, J. 187, 

K. 184. 
Besene, v. p.p. arrayed, adorned, J. 

36, 277. 
Besid, prep, beside, K. 179. 
Best, s. advantage, inclination, 

choice, K. 5. 
Beste, s. beast, K. 27, 155. 
Besy, adj., busy, K. 64. 
Besynesse, 5. activity, K. 155. 
Bet, adv. better, K. loi. 
Bete, V. beat, J. 554, K. 122. 
A Betid, V. befallen, K. 179, a.r. 
-iBeugh, Bew, 5. bough, K. 32, 35, 

passim, J. 22. 
. Bill, s. beak, bill, K. 178. 
\ Bill, i. petition, K. 82. 
Birn, v. burn, J. 151, K. 168. 
Blake, adj. black, K. 161. 
Blamischere, s. blemisher, person 

who injures, K. 140. 
Blude, s. blood, K. 40. 
Boece, Boethius, K. 3. 
Boith, conj. J. ^o, passim. 
Bonk, s. bank, J. 20. 
Boke, s. Buke, book, K. 5, passim. 
Bore, i. boar, K. 156. 
Bore, V. p.p. borne, K. 181. 
Borowe, s. dat. sing, pledge, K. 23. 
Bot, conj. but, J. ^^, passim. 
Bot, But, prep, without, except, K. 
94, J. 216, 359, 361 ; nothing but, 
. only, K. 168. 

■^Bot gif, conj. unless, K. 132, 195. 
But, unless, J. 143. 
Bote, s. boat, K. 18. 
Botemles, adj. without bottom, K. 70. 
Boundin, v. p.p. bound, K. 61. 
Branche, s. branch, pi. branchis, 

ornamentation, K. 178. 
Brede, breadth s., K. 21. 
Bref, adj. brief, K. 127. 
Breke, v. break, K. 115. 
Brent, Brynt, v. p.p. burnt, J. 172, 
370, 448. 



Brethir, s. pi. brethren, K. 184. 

Bricht, adj. bright, J. 38, passim. 

Brid, s. bird, K. 65, 135. 

Brocht, V. p.p. brought, J. 207. 

Brukill, adj. brittle, changeable, un- 
reliable, K. 134. 

Brukilnese, s. fragility, brittleness, 
K. 194. 

Bugill, s. ox, K. 157. 

Buket, s. bucket, pail, K. 70. 

Busk, s. bush, K. 135. 

Bute, s. remedy, K. 69. 

Butles, adv. without remedy, K. 70. 

By, pnp. see Be, concerning, K. 70. 

Byd, V. pray, call, invite, K. 65. 

Cace, s. case, fortune, K. 143. 

Calde, adj. cold, K. 69, 103. 

Calk, s. chalk, K. 177. 

Calyope, Calliope, K. 17. 

Cam, Come, 0. pnt. came, J. 48, in, 

K. 60. 
Can, V. began, do, did, J. 93, 401, 

K. 4. 
Can, V. knows, K. 106, 133. 
Capis, s. pi. capes, K. 81. 
Capricorn, sign of the zodiac, K. i . 
CarefuU, adj. full of care, anxious, 
> K. 100, J. 26. 
Carolis, s. pi. carols, K. 121. 
Cart, s. car, chariot, J. 73. 
Cas, s. case, quiver, K. 94. 
Caucht, V. pret. caught, J. 426. 
Certeyne, adj. certain, assured, K. 

Ces, Cesse, v. cease, J. 410, K. 59. 
Chamberere, s. chamberlain, K. 97. 
Chamelot, y. camlet, K. 157. 
Chapellet, s. chaplet, K. 97, 160, 93. 
Chapture, s. chapter, J. 366. 
Chere, Chiere, s. countenance, smile, 

mirth, J. 49, 219, 272, passim, K. 

161, passim. 
Cherising, v.s. cherishing, J. 126. 
Cheritee, s. charity, J. 342, 364. 
Cherlisch, Churlisch, adj. churlish, 

J. 138, 143- 
* Chesyn, v. choose, J. 495. 
Cheualry, s. chivalry, J. 215. 
Cheyne, s. chain, K. 183. 
Chiere, s. chair, K. 94, 
Chose, J. choice, K. 92, 147. 
Cinthia, the moon, K. 1, suggested 

Circulere, adj. circular, K. i, 196. 
Citherea, Venus, K. i. 
Clene, adv. altogether, wholly, K. 45. 
Cleo, Clio, K. 19. 

Clepe, V. call, J. 169, K. 149. 
Clere, adj. bright, K. 1, passim. 
Clergy, s. learning, scholarship, 

J. 320. 
Clerk, s. scholar, man of learning, 

J. 317, K. 146, 147. 
Cleuer, v. cling, hold on like a bird, 

K. 9, 159. 
Clip, V. embrace, K. 75. 
Clymbare, adj., climbing, K. 156. 
Clymben, v. climb, K. 163. 
Come, V. : see Cam. 
Commend, s. commendation, J. 84. 
Commytt, v. p.p. committed, K. 196. 
Compace, v. encompass, entangle, 

K. 141. 
Compacience, s. sympathy, compas- 
sion, K. 118, 150. 
Compas, s. extent, circuit, K. 96, 159. 
Compiloure, i. compiler, author, K. 3. 
Compleyne, s. complain, J. 30. 
Comprise, v. comprehend, confine, 

K. 28. 
Compt, V. count, C. (b) 10. 
Condyt, 5. guidance, guide, con- 
ductor, K. 113. 
Confort, 5. comfort, K. 25, 123, 170 

177, 191. 
Confort, V. comfort, K. 4. 
Connyng, s. cunning, skill, J. 162 

K. 18, 50 
Connyng, adj. skilful, prudent, K. 97, 
Conquest, v. p.p. conquered, K. 100. 
Consate, s. conceit, conception. 

thought, J. 343. 
Consecrat, v. p.p. consecrated, K. 33 
Consequent, s. issue, result, con 

elusion, K. 189. 
Conserue, v. keep, K. 112, J. 570. 
Constreyne, v. constrain, compel, J 

26, K. 116. 
Contempne, v. contemn, J. 193, 308 
Contenance, s. demeanour, behaviour, 

countenance, K. 50, 82, 121. 
Contene, v. behave, continue, J. 357, 
Contrair, Contrare, a. and s. J. 166, 

482, K. passim. 
Contree, s. country, K. 24, 151. 
Conueye, v. direct, turn, convey, K. 

104, 120. 
Conuoye, v. conduct, accompany, 

lead, K. 19. 
Convert, v. change, transform, J. 5. 
Conyng, s. coney, K. 157. 
Copill, s. stanza, K. 33. 
Coplit, V. p.p. coupled, K. 92, 93. 
Corage, Curage, s. courage, K. 164, 




Corinthies, s. pi. Corinthians, J. 363. 
Corrupt, V. p.p. corrupted, J. 535. 
Cotidiane, adj. quotidian, returning 

daily, J. 330. 
Couate, V. covet, K. 142. 
Couch, V. set, trim, adorn, K. 46. 
Coud, Coude, Couth, Coutht, v. pret. 

could, passim, K. 196, knew (?) K. 2. 
Couert, v.p.p. recovered, K. 174, 
Counsale, Counsele, s. and v. counsel, 

J. no, 574, K. 3. 
Counterfeten, v. counterfeit, K. 36, 

Cowardy, s. cowardice, K. 89. 
Craft, s. skill, K. 2. 
Cremesye, s. crimson cloth, K. 109. 
Crep, y. creep, C (a), 12, p.p. croppin, 

K. 182. 
Cristin, adj. Christian, K. 142. 
Crukit, adj. crooked, K. 195. 
Cum, V. come, cummyth, commyth 

3 sing. pres. ind. cummyn, p.p., 

Cupid, Cupid, K. 43. 
Curall, adj. coral, K. 153. 
Cure, s. care, charge, J. 461, K. 22. 
Cuttis, s. pi. lots, K. 145. 

Dampne, v. damn, condemn, J. 400. 
Dangere,s. displeasure, scorn, danger. 

J. 541, K. 64, 149. 
Dant, V. tame, subdue, C. (a) 10. 
Dare, Dane, v. dare, J. 292, K. 140. 
Dayesye, j. daisy, K. log. 
Decretit, v. p.p. decreed, K. 179. 
Dede, s. deed, J. 328. 
I Dedely, adj. deathlike, K. 26, 169. 
■^Dedeyne, v. deign, K. 168. 
Dee, V. die, K. 57 : see Deye. 
Defade, v. cause to fade, dispirit, K. 

Defaute, s. defect, deficiency, K. 194. 
Degoutit, V. p.p. spotted, K. 161. 
Degysit, v. p.p. disguised, K. 81. 
Deite, s., deity, K. 105. 
Delitable, adj., delightful, K. 192. 
Delyte, s. pleasure, delight, K. 6. 
Demyng, v.s. judging, misjudgment, 

J. 242. 
Depart, v. separate, sever, part, K. 

■S Depaynt, v. and v. p.p. paint, painted, 

K. 43. J- 4- 
Dere, adj. dear, J. 130. 
Dert, s. dirt (?), prize, goal (?), K. 170. 
Dert, V. dart (?), K. 170. 
Desate, Dissayte, s. deceit, K. 135, 

J. 468. 

Despeire, Dispaire, s. and v. despair, 

K. 30, 104. 
Destitude, adj. destitute, J. 523. 
Determe, v. determine, resolve, K. 13. 
Deuise, v. plan, devise, K. 28, J. 243. 
Deuotly, adv. devoutly, K. 62. 
Dewe, adj. due, K. 119. 
Deye, v. die, K. 103. 
Digne, adj. worthy, K. 125. 
Direct, v.p.p. directed, K. 62. 
Dirknesse, s. darkness, K. 71. 
Discryve, v. describe, K. 4, 16. 
Disese, s. pain, discomfort, J. 77. 
Displesance, s. displeasure, K. 82. 
Dispone, v. dispose, J. 266, 573. 
Disport, s. game, sport, K. 134. 
Ditee, s. utterance, message, ditty 

K. 36, 62. 
Do, V. p.p. do, done, do, cause, J. 13, 


Doken, s. dock plant, K. 109: see 

Doubilnesse, ». doubtfulness, dupli- 
city, K. 18, 136. 

Doun, adv. down, passim. 

Dout, s. doubt. J. 450. 

DoutfuU, adj. timid, hesitating, K. 17. 

Draware, s. drawer, creature that 
draws, K. 157. 

Drawe, v. p.p. drawn, K. 82. 

Dredefull, DredfuU, adj. full of fear, 
timid, K. 126, J. 554. 

Dresse, v. arrange, prepare, array, 
K. 153, 156. 173. 175- 

Druggare, adj. draught, drudging, 

K. 155- 
Drye, adj. dry, K. 69. 
Duell, 0. dwell, K. 68. 
Dure, s. door, K. 75. 
Dyane, Diana, J. 77. 

Ecclesiaste, Ecclesiastes, K. 133. 

Ecco, Echo, J. 311. 

Eche, pron. each, K. 8. 

Eene, s. pi. eyes, C (a), 10. 

Effray, s. terror, fright, C. (b), 4. 

Eft, adv. again, afterwards, K. 10. 
J Efter, prep, after, J. 428, according 
to, K. 147, for, in expectation of, 
K. 104. 

Efter, adv. afterwards, J. 91. 

Eftsone, Eftsones, adv. soon after- 
wards, K. 42, 159. 

Ellis, adv. else, K. 57. 

Emeraut, s. emerald , K. 46. 

Enbroudin, v.p.p. embroidered, K. 152. 

Encress,Encressyn,w. increase, C. (a), 
I, J. 269. 



Endlang, Endlong, prep, along, K. 8i, 
, 152, 167. 
■* Endyte, s. style, J. 584. 

Eneuch, adj. enough, K. 47. 

Engrewe, v. annoy, J. 604. 

Enprise, s. enterprise undertaking 
K. 20. 

Enquere, v. inquire, J. 305. 

Ensample, s. example, J. 387, K. 148, 

Enspire, v. Inspire, J. 318. 

Ensure, v. assure, K. 9. 

Entent, s. purpose, intent, J. 589, 
K. 13, 56. 

Entere, adj. entire, K. 62. 
\ Entrit, v. p.p. entered, K. 185. 
■^ Erde, Erth, s. earth, J. 124, 142. 

Ere, s. ear, K. 152, 172. 

Eschame, v. to be ashamed, J. 256. 
^scheve, Eschewe, v. escape, avoid, 

>. J- 271, 475- 
-* Ese, s. ease, J. 77. 
Esperus, the Evening Star, K. 72. 
Est, adj. east, K. 20. 
Estate, s. estate, high position, K. 3, 

Estward, adv. eastward, J. 34. 
Esy, adj. easy, K. 95. 
Eterne, adj. eternal, K. 107. 
Ethena, Etna, J. 337. 
Euerich, Euerichone, ^com. everyone, 

K. 27, 64. 
Euour, adj. ivory, K, 155. 
Euirilkone, /TOM. everyone, J. 416. 
Evin, s. evening, K. 73. 
Evin, adv. exactly, K. 21. 
Evinly, adv. exactly, K. 177. 
Evyn, s. justification, equity, K. 

Excesse, s. . see Axis, K. 144. 
Exill, V. banish, C. (a), 5, K. 117. 
Exiltree, s. axletree, K. 189. 
Eye, s., pi. eyen, eyne, eene, K. 8, 

passim, J. 58, passim. 

Facture, s. fashioning, mould, K. 50, 

66, K. 125, a.r. 
Fader, s. father, J. 430, K. 122. 
Faille, s. defect, K. 48. 
Faille, v. fail, be deprived of, K. 26. 
Fair-Calling, s. prop., Salutation, Be- 
welcome, K. 97. 
\ Faire, adj. as s. fair one, K. 66. 
^ Fairhede, s. beauty, fairness, J. 133, 

K. 106, a.r. 
^ Falouschip s. fellovfship, J. 576. 
Falowe, s. fellow, companion, K. 23. 
Fand, v.pret. o/fynd, found, K. 79. 

Fantasy, s. fancy, imagination, J. 

575, K. 11,37. 
Fantise, s. deception, K. 142, for 

Fatall, adj. fated, destined, K. 196. 
Fatoure, s., for faitour, pretender, 

impostor, literally, doer, K. 135. 
Faucht, V. pret. fought, K. 85. 
Fay, s. faith, K. 59. 
Fayn, adj. fain glad, K. 195, passim. 
Faynt, v, p.p. feigned, K. 141. 
Fede, v. feed, J. 215. Fed, p.p. K. 14. 
1 Felde, s. field, J. 3. 
AFele, J. feeling, perception, J. 250. 
Fer, adj. far, J. 404. 
Fere, s. companion, J. 19, K. 155. 
Fere, s. fear, K. 162 : see Vere. 
Ferforth, Ferfurth, adv. K. 25, J. 

Ferm, adj. firm, K. 138. 
Fery, adj. active, vigorous, K. 156. 
Fest, adv., fast, K. 61. 
Fete, s. pi. feet, K. 159. 
Feynit, v. p.p. feigned, K. 36. 
Flawe, V. pret. flew, K. 61. 
Flete, V. float, J. 177. 
Flikering, v. pres. part, fluttering, K. 

Flour, Floure, s. flower, passim. 
Floure, v. flower, K. 133, 193. 
Floure-Ionettis, s. pi. lilies, K. 47. 
Flouris, s. flourish, flower, K. 187. 
Flyte, V. scold, J. 312. - 
Fonde, v. try, seek, K. 127. 
Fone, s. pi. foes, K. 71. 
Forby, adv. past, usual meaning in 

modern Scots besides, K. 30, 31. 
Forfet, s. forfeit, fault, crime, K. 92. 
Forfaut, 0. p.p. forfeited, K. 141. 
Forge, V. fashion, shape, K. 47. 
Forget, V. p.p. forgotten, K. 120. 
Forehede, s. forehead, probably error 

for fairhede, K. 106. 
Foreknawin, v. p.p. foreknown, K. 

Foreknawing, s. foreknowledge, K. 

For-lyin, adj. exhausted with lying 

long, K. II. 
For-pleynit, adj. weary of complain- 
ing, K. 73. 
Foriuge, v. condemn, K. 3. 
"i Forquhy, c. because, wherefore, K. 

41, 108. 
Forsake, v. forsake, K. 63, v. p.p. K. 

58 ; pret. forsuke, K. 89. 
Forthir, adv. further, K. 99, passim. 
For-tirit, adj. very tired, K. 30. 



Fortunyt, v. pret. and p.p. fortuned, 

happened, fortunate, K. igi, 133. 
\ For-wakit, adj. wide-awake, K. 11. 
A For-walowit, adj. fatigued with rolling 

from side to side ; much tossed 

about, K. II. 
For-wepit, adj. tear-stained, tired 

with much weeping ; Modern Scots 

begrutten, K. 73. 
Foting, ;>. footing, K. g, 163. 
Foyn^ee, s. beech-marten, K. 157. 
■^ Fremyt, adj. strange, K. 24. 
Frese, adj. for ierse, fierce, J. 152. 
Fret, V. pret. arrayed, adorned, K. 35. 
Frete, v. p.p. devoured, eaten ; see 

Y-fret, J.S55. 
Fret-wise, by way of ornament, K. 46. 
Fricht, V. p.p. frightened, K. 162. 
Fude, s. food, K. 30. 
Fundin, v. p.p. found, K. 169. 
Furrit, v. p.p. furred, trimmed with 

fur, K 161. 
Furth, adv. forth, passim. 
Furthward, adv. forward, K. 17. 
Furth-with-all, adv. immediately, K. 


Fute, s. foot, J. 68. 

Fyre, s. end, J. 345. 

Fyre, Fyir, s. fire, J. 337. 

Fyre, adj. hardened by fire, K. 48. 

Gan, v.pret., began, did, J. 113, K. 10. 
Gardyn, Gardyng, s. garden, K. 31 , 33. 
Gayte, s. goat, K. 156. 
Gelosy, s. jealousy, J. 381 : see 

Gerafloure, s. gillyflower, K. 190. 
Gesse, v. guess, conjecture, J. 43, 

K. 180. 
Gesserant, s. armour, K. 153. 
Geve, Gif, Gife, If, Ife, Ifl, Iffe, conj. 

if, J. 70, 137, passim ; K. 60, 195, 

Gilt, s. guilt, J. 81. 
Gilt, V. p.p., sinned, offended, K. 26, 

Gin, Gyn, v. begin, K. 17, 57. 
Glad, Glade, Giadin, v. gladden, K. 

62, 174, 190, J- 129 ; J. joy, K. 21. 
Glettering, arf;. , glittering, J. 102. 
Glewis, s. pi. tricks (reading suggested 

by Professor Skeat), K. 160. 
Goste, s. spirit, J. 117, K. 173. 
Gouernance, Gouirnance, s. conduct, 

rule, K. 88, 196. 
Graip, v. grope, C. (b), 19. 
Grame, s. sorrow, J. 290, 
Gre, Gree, s. degree, K. 21, 83, J. 10. 

Gree, s. favour, K. 59. 
Gref, s. grief, K. 127. 
Gress, s. grass, C. (b) 11. 
Grete, adj. great, J. igS, passim. 
Greuance, s. affliction, J. 202. 
Grey, s. badger, K. 156. 
Grippis, s. pi. grips, hold, K. 171. 
Gruche, v. grudge, grumble, K. 91. 
Grundid, v. p.p. grounded, J. 192. 
Grundyn, v. p.p., ground, sharpened, 

K. 94- 
Gud, Gude, Guid, adj. good, passim. 
Gude, s. good, blessing, K. 20. 
Gudis, s. pi. goods, property, J. 368. 
Gudeliare, Gudliare, adj. more goodly, 

J. 41 K. 49. 
Gudelihede, s. beauty, K. 49. 
Gudnese, s. goodness, K. 194, 
Gyd, Gyde, s. guide, K. 63, 113, 195. 
Gye, V. guide, K. 15, 106. 

Hable, adj. able, K. 14. 

Hable, v. enable, K. 39. 

Habyte, s. garment, habit, J. 360. 

Hailsing, v.pres.p. embracing, K. 166. 

Haire, s. hare, K. 156. 

Hald, V. p.p. haldin, hold, K. 60, 90, 

Hale, v. haul, pull, K. 169. 
Hale, adj. whole, entire, K. 74. 
Hale, Halely, adv. wholly, K. 58, 

K. 188. 
Halflyng, adv. half, K. 49, 166, a.r. 
. Haly, adj. holy, J. 423. 
* Hant, V. haunt, frequent, J. 326; s. 

lair, K. 156. 
Hap, s. good luck, K. 133 ; cf. Ruth, 

ii. 3- 
Hardy, adj. bold, K. 89. 
Hare, s. hair, K. 157. 
Harkyne, v. hearken, listen, hear, 

C.(a), II. 
Hart, Hert, s. heart, J. u, 26, passim, 

K. passim. 
Has, V. pi. pres. ind. have, K. 107. 
Hastow, V. and pron. hast thou, K. 57. 
Haterent, s. hatred, J. 568. 
Hede, s. head, K. 34. 
Hedit, V. p.p. headed, tipped, K. 95. 
Hege, s. hedge, K. 31. 
Hele, V. heal, K. 194. 
Hele, s. healing, health, salvation, 

K. 74- 
Hens, adv. hence, J. 68. 
Hennisferth, adv. henceforth, K. 181. 
Hent, v.p.p. seized, K. 180. 
Herbere, s. herbarium, garden-plot, 

K. 31, 32. 




Herculese, Hercules, J. 172. 
Here, v. hear, J . 46, passim. 
Herknere, adj. listening, quick of 

hearing, K. 156. 
Hert, » hart, K. 157. 
Hertly, adv. heartily, J. 582, K. 187. 
Hertly, adj. hearty, enthusiastic, K. 

Herubus, Erebos, J. 333. 
Has, i;. has, C. (b) 16. 
Hete, ». heat, J. 557. 
Heve, V. heave, K. i. 
Hevin, Hevynnis, s. heaven, J. 58, 

K. I, 195. 
Hevynes, s. heaviness, J. 32. 
Hewe, s. hue, J. 4, )o6, K. passim. 
Heye, Heigh, Hich, Hie. Hye, adj. 

high, K., 66, passim, J. 44, 187 ; 

Hyare, higher, K. 131. 
Hicht, s. height, J. 216, K. 172. 
Hider, adv. hither, K. 166. 
Hing, Hyng, v. hang, K 88, 89. 
Hip, V. hop, K. 35. 
■^ Ho, s. pause, stop, J. 566, K. 157. 
Hole, adj. whole, J. 70, K. 18, 126. 
Holsum, adj. wholesome, beneficial, 

K. 156. 
Hond, s. hand, J. 173. 
Hony, adj. honey, sweet, K. 117. 
Hort, s. hurt, injury, wound, K. 

Hote, adv. hot, J. 2. 
Hudis, s. pi. hoods, K, 8r, 88. 
i Hufing, V. pres. p., waiting, watching, 

K. 159. 
Huke, s. mantle, cloak with hood, K. 

Humily, adv. humbly, K. 106. 
Humylnesse, s. humility, K. 126. 
Hundreth, adj. hundred, J. 380, K. 

Hye, v. hasten, K. 15, 164. 
Hye, s. haste, K. 30, passim. 

I-blent, v. pnt. blenched, K. 74. 

Ide, s. Ides, J. 7, 

I-fallyng, v : see note on stanza 45, 

K. 45. 
Ignorant, s. ignorant person, fool, J. 

I-laid, V. p.p. laid, K. 120. 
i> Ilk, pron. every, J. 86, a.r. 

like, pron. same, with the or this or 

that, K. 154. 
I-lokin, V. p.p. closed in, K. 69. 
Imeneus, Hymen, J. 59. 
"ncidence, s., accident 

sidiary matter, K. 7. 

Indegest, adj. crude, K. 14. 
Infortunate, adj., unfortunate, K. 24. 
Infortune, s., misfortune, K. 5. 
Inmytee, s. enmity, K. 87. 
lupnis, s. pi. hymns, K. 197 ; pro- 
bably mistake for ' ympis ' 
Inuyit, v. p.p. envied, J. 180, a r. 
Inymy, s. enemy, K. 24. 
I-thankit, v. p.p. thanked, K. 190. 
I-wonne, v. p.p. won, K. 108. 
\ I-wys, adv. certainly, J. 281. 

Jangill, V. jangle, chatter, K. 38. 

Januarye, January, K. no. 

Jelousye, s. jealousy, J. passim, K. 87. 

Jenepere, s. juniper, K. 32. 

Jete, i. jet, K. 157. 

Johne, John, K. 23. 

Jorofflis, s. pi. gillyflowers, K. 178 : 

see gerafloure. 
Joye, s. joy, K. ig, passim. 
Juge, i. judge, K. 182. 
Jugement, s. judgment, trial, J. 428. 
Junyt, v. p.p. joined, united, K. 133. 
Jupiter, Jupiter, J. 82, K. 25. 

r Kalendis, s. pi. kalends, beginning, 

K. 34, 177. 
Kepe, s. heed, care, J. 414. 
Kepe, u. heed, pay heed to, regard, 

K. 141. 
Kerue, v. carve, cut, J. 399. 
Kest, V. pret. cast, K. 35, 40. 
Keye, s. key, K. 100. 
Kid, V. p.p. shewn, p.p. of kythe, K. 

Knaw, 1). know, K. 101. 
Knet, V. p.p. knit, enclosed, inter 

twined, K. 31. 
Knytt, V. strengthen, brace, K. 194 
Kythe, v. shew, make known, K. 56. 

Lak, s. want, K. 15. 
Lak, u. to be in want of, K. 84. 
Lang, adj. long, K. passim. 
Lang, V. belong, K. 106, passim. 
'La.^, V. prtt. o/lepe, leapt, K. 153. 
Large, s. freedom, K. 115. 
Large, adj. widespread, J. 247. 
^Larges, s. freedom, liberty, K. 181. 
f Lat, V. let, J. 381. 

Lauch, V. laugh, K. 179. 
Laud, s. praise, K. t88. 
Laurence, Saint Lawrence, J. 433. 
Lawe, adj. low, K. 90, 103, below. 
Lawe, s. law, K. 102. 105. 
Le, V. lie, speak falsely, J. 471. 
Lede, s. lead, K. 153. 



Lef, s. leaf, K. 72. 

Leme, v. shine, K. 46. 

Lena, v.pret. lent, lenit, lean, K. 42, 
V Lenth, s. length, K. 21. 
"*Lere, v. learn, properly teach, K. 171. 

Lest, I. desire, K. 57. 
\ Lest, V. impers. please, K. 9, 44, 147, 
J- 536. 

Leste, adj. least, K. 149. 

Lesty, adj. pleasant, skilful, K. 157. 

Leue, V. leave, K. 124. 

Leve, V. live, J. 268. 

Levis, s. pi. leaves, J. 22. 

Licht, J. light, J. 213. 

List, V. please, J. 326. 

List, V. border, edge, list, K. 178. 

Lith, V. 3 sing. pres. lieth, lies, J. 356. 

Litill, a Lytill, s. adj. little, J. 79, 

Lokin, V. p.p. locked, caught, en- 
closed, K. 135. 

Lore, s. learning, K. 186. 

Louring, adj. scowling, frowning, 
louring, K. 161. 

Louse, V. adj. loose, K. 39, 43, 49, 

Lowe, s. flame, K. 48. 
Lowe, s. law, J. 63. 
Lufar, Lufare, s. lover, K. 179, J. 442. 
Lufare, s. as adj. amorous, K. 155. 
Lufe, s. lover, J. 130. 
Luke, s. V. look, K. 30, K. 170. 
Lust, s. desire, pleasure, K. 65, J. 

Lusty, adj. pleasant, J. i, 11, loi, 

104, passim. 
Lustyhede, s. pleasure, J. 42, 252. 
Lyf, s. living creature, K. 12. 
Lyf, s. life, K. 25 passim. 
\ Lyght, V. alight, K. 177. 

Lvte, adj. little, K. 155, passim ; as s. 

K. 2. 
Lyvand, v. pres. part, living, K. 197. 
Lyvis s. gen. life's, a living being's, 

K. 28. 

Mach, s. match, K. 109. 

Maidenhede, s. maidenhood, virginity, 
K. 55. 

Maij, s. May, J. i, 13. 

Maist, adj. most, K. 182. 

Maister, s. master, K. 197. 

Maistow, V. and pron. mayest thou, K. 

Maistrit, v. pret. mastered, K. 181. 

Maistrye, s. mastery, K. 37 ; master- 
piece, K. 66. 

Make, s. mate, consort, J. 526, K. 35, 
58, 64, 79. 

Maked, v. pret. made, K. no. 

Malancholy, s., melancholy, J. 327, 
K. 58. 

Manace, v. s. menace, K. 41, 96. 

Marciall, adj. martial, warlike, K. 191. 

Martrik, s. marten, K. 157. 

Martris, j. pi. martyrs, K. 79. 
1 Marye, s. gen. Mary's, K. 17. 
i Maugre, adv. against (our will), in 
spite of (ourselves), K. 24. 

Mekle, adj. much, J. 154, 184. 

Mekly, adv. meekly, J. 201. 

Mell, V. to mix, mingle, meddle, K. 

145. 152- 
Mene, s. mean, medium, K. 183. 
Mene, v. mean, J. 193. 
Mene, s. moan, J. 30, 516. 
Ment, V. pret. of Mene, moaned, be- 
wailed, J. 1^6. 
Menys, s. plur. means, K. 107. 
Menyt, v. (possibly mistake for 

Inuyit), bemoaned, J. 180. 
Merciable, adj. merciful, K. 99. 
Mesure, s. moderation, temperance, 

K. 50. 
Mesure, v. measure, consider, K. 132. 
•I Met, v.pret. o/Mete, dreamt, K. 73. 
Mete, adj. meet, fitting, K. 97. 
Mich, adj. much, K. 51, 129, 150. 
Minister, v. minister, shew, manifest, 

K. 43. 
Minueruis, s. gen. Minerva's, K. 124. 
Mischewe, s. mischief, misfortune, J. 
V 605. 

* Mo, adj. more, K. 42, 61, 97, iii. 
Moch, adj. much, K. 87. 
Mon, V. must, J. 266, 286. 
Mone, Moon, s. moan, K. 72, K. 45. 
, Mone, s. moon, K. no. 
AMoneth, s. month, K. 65, J. 7. 
Mony, adj., many, J. igS, passim. 
Monyfald, adj. manifold, K. 131. 
Most, V. must, J. 226, 460. 
Mot, V. may, must, K. igo, 191, J. 607. 
Mote, V. may, J. 67. 
Murn, V. mourn, K. 113, 118. 
Murthir, s. murder, K. 157. 
Mydday, i. meridian, Equator (?), 

K. 21. 
Myddis, prep, amid, K. 32. 
Myd-nyght, s. Meridian, K. i. 
Myd-way, s. Equator, K. 21, a.r. 
Mycht, V. pret. might, could, J. 53. 
Mylioun, s. million, K. 78. 
Mynt, V. purpose, aim, M.E. munten, 

A.S. gemyntan, K. 105. 



Na, adv. not, K. 67. 

Namly, adv. namely, particularly, 
K. 9. 

Nap, V. doze, sleep, K. 60. 
- Nas, V. ne was, was not, K. 75. 

Nat, adv. not, K. passim, J. 278. 

Ne, adv. , conj. nor, no, J. 84, 579. 

Nede, s. need, J. 585. 

Nede, adv. needs, J. 570. 

Ner, Nere, adj. near, J. 402, 405. 

Nero, s. Nero, J. 173. 

Newis, s. pi. news, K. 179. 

No, adv. not, J. 53. 

Nolaill-ray, s. nobility, C. (b), 2. 

Noblay, s. nobleness, nobility, C. (a) 2. 

Nocht, adv., not, J. 8. 

Nold, V. ne wold, would not, K. 140. 

Non, pron. none, J. 28, passim. 

Note, V. ne wote, knows not, J. 551. 

Nouthir, conj. neither, K. 139. 

Nowmer, i. number, K. 22. 

Noye, V. annoy, J. 15. 

Nurise, v. nourish, J. 2. 
\ Ny, adv. near, J. 48. 

Nyce, adj. foolish, simple, J. 533, K. 

Nycely, adv. foolishly, K. 12. 

Nye, adv. nigh, K. 77. 

Nyl, v. ne wyl, will not, K. 142. 

Nys, V. ne is, is not, J. 85. 

O, adj. one, K. 162, 182, J. 494. 
Obseruance, s. observance, J. 13, K. 

Ocht, s. anything, ought, J. 502. 
Off, prep, of, J. 39 passim. 
^ Oftsyse, adv. oftentimes, J. 136, 181, 

Oliphant, s. elephant, K. 156. 
Omere, s. Homer, K. 85. 
One, adj., alone, K. 80. 
One, adj. an, one, J. iii. 
One, prep, on, J. 113. 
Ones, adv. once, K. 57. 
Ony, adj. any, J. 125, 126, passim. 
Onys, adv. once, K. 182, J. 422. 
Or, conj. ere, K. 190, C. (a), 12. 
Orfeuerye, s. goldsmith's work, K. 

Orisoun, s. prayer, K. 53. 
Oureclad, v. clothed, J. 3. 
Ouerthrawe, v. p.p. overthrown, K. 

Ouerthwert, adv. across, K. 82. 
Ouide, s. Ovid, K. 85. 
Oure, prep, over, K. 143, passim. 
Ourehayle, v. overhaul, ponder, K. 

10, 158. 

Ourestraught, straight over, K. 164. 
Ourset, v. overcome, K. 73. 
Owin, adj., own, J. 533. 

Pace, V. pass, K. 6g. 

Pace, s. step, additional stage, or 

story, K. 131. 
Pall, V. appal, K. 18. 
Pane, s. pain, K. 188. 
Pape-jay, s. popinjay, parrot, K. no. 
Part, V. depart, K. 67. 
Part, V. divide, separate, p.p. partit, 

awaked, K. 2, partly, K. 46. 
Partye, s. part, K. 16. 
Partye, s. partner, match, K. 48. 
Pass, s. pace, step, J. 47. 
Passing, adj. surpassing, J. 317. 
Payne, Peyne, s. pain, J. 25, 140, K. 

Pepe, s. ' peep,' a bird's cry, K. 57. 
Percyng, v. pres.part. piercing, K. 103. 
Perfyte, adj. perfect, K. 125, J. 311. 
Pertene, v. pertain, K. 107. 
Pes, s. peace, K. 60, J. 287. 
Phebus, a. the sun, K. 72. 
Philomene, s. nightingale, K. 62, 

phylomene, K. no. 
Pitee, s. pity, J. 195. 
Pitouse, adj. pitiful, K. 99, J. 95. 
Plane, adj. plain, K. 36. 
Playnly, adv. fully, lavishly, K. 65. 
Plesance, s. pleasure, J. 79. 
Plesandly, adv. pleasantly, K. 178. 
Pleyne, v. complain, K. 90, 91, J. 132. 
Pleyne, v. for pleyen, play, K. 40. 
Pleyne, adj. manifest, evident, K. 116. 
Pleyning, s. v. complaining, J. 96. 
Plumyt, adj. plumed, feathered, K. 94. 
Pluto, s. Pluto, J. 71. 
Plyte, s. plight, K. 53. 
Poetly, adj. probably mistake for 

poleyt, K. 4. 
Poleyt, adj. polished, a.r. K. 4. 
Polymye, s. Polyhymnia, K. 19. 
Porpapyne, ». porcupine, K. 155. 
Port, s. harbour, gate, K. 17, 77. 
Portare, s. porter, K. 125. 
Pouert, Pouertee, s. poverty, K. 3, 5, 

Poure, v. pore, study, K. 72. 
Prattily, adv. prettily, K. 153. 
Pray, s. prey, K. 135. 
Prentissehed, s. apprenticeship, K. 

Prese, v. to set a price, to be valued, 

a.r., K. no. 
Presence, s. presence (of a person of 

distinction), K. 126, 195. 



Present, v. p.p. presented, K. 179. 

Preualy, preuely, adv. privately, 
secretly, J. 45, 55. 

Prime, s. early part of day : see 
notes, K. 171. 

Prise, s. praise, prize, honour, estima- 
tion, K 128, 188. 

Priuely, adv. privately, secretly, K. 

Processe, s. proceeding, procedure, 
undertaking, K. 19. 

Proigne, s. Procne, K. 55. 

Proserpina, s, Proserpine, J. 74. 

Proyne, v. preen, clean, trim, K. 64. 

Prye, v. pry, examine eagerly, K. 

Purchace, v. obtain, acquire, K. 59, 

Pure, adj. used as s. poor persons, J. 
368 ; adj. K. 99, loi. 

Puruait, v. p.p. provided, K. 23. 

Purueyance, Puruiance, s. provi- 
dence, K. 130, 176. 

Pyk, V. select, choose, K. 7. 

Pyne, s, punishment, K. 28, 155, 173. 

Quair, Quare, s. book, title of poem 

in MS., J. title. 
Quake, v. shake, tremble, K. 47. 
Quhat, /fo«. what, J. 32, passim. 
Quhair, Quhare, adv. where, K. 190, 

Quharefore, adv. conj. wherefore, J. 

29, passim. 
Quhele, s. wheel, K. 9, passim. 
Quhens, adv. whence, J. 114. 
Quhethir, cotij. whether, J. 177. 
Quhider, adv. whither, J. 419. 
Quhilk, pron. which, J. 361. 
Quhilkis, pron. pi. which, K. 62. 
Quhill, conj. while, C. (b) 12 until, 

K. 108. 
Quhilom, adv. formerly, once upon a 

time, K. 3, J. 74. 
Quhilum, adv. sometimes, K. 107. 
Quhilum, adv. at times, for a time, 

K. 160, 161. 
Quhirl, V. whirl, K. 165. 
Quhistle, v. whistle, K. 135. 
Quhite, a. white, K. 136, J. 40. 
Quho, pron. who, K. 77. 
Quhois, pron. gen. whose, J. 22. 
Quhy, J. reason, J. 62, 122, 228, K. 

87, 93- 
Quikin, s. quicken, K. 181. 
Quit, V. p.p. requited, rewarded, K. 

Quite, adv. altogether, K. 90. 

Quit, Quite, v. p.p. acquitted, free, 

quit, K. 6, 195. 
Quod, V. pret. quoth, said, K. 151, 

Quoke, V. pret. quaked, K. 162. 
Quyte, V. acquit, J. 249. 
Quyte, V. reward, C. (a) 7. 
Quyte, adj. quit, free from, deprived 

of, J. 362. 

'Raddoure, s. terror, fear, J. 449- 
Rase, V. pret. rose, K. 11. 
Ravin, adj. ravenous, K. 157. 
Rawe, 5. row, K. 90. 
Recist, V. resist, J. 230. 
Reconforting, s. comfort, additional 

comfort, K. 196. 
Recouer, s. recovery, K. 5. 
Recouerance, s. recovery, K. 87. 
Recure, s. see Recouer, K. 10, 95. 
Red, V. read, K. ig6. 
Rede, v. read, J. /^22, passim. 
Rede, adj. red, K. 46. 
Reder, s. reader, K. 194. 
Redy, adj. ready, K. 94. 
Refreyne, v. refrain, control, J 402. 
Reherse, s. rehearsal, account, K. 

Rekyn, v. reckon, K. 187. 
Rele, V. whirl, same as wrele, K. 9, 

Relesch, v. relax, relieve, K. 184. 
Relesche, s. relief, relaxation, K. 25, 

Remanant, 3. remnant, K. 137, 171. 
^Remede, s. remedy, K. 69, 138. 
Remyt, s. pardon, release, K. 195. 
Renewe, s. renewal, K. 125. 
Repaire, s. place of resort, gathering, 

multitude, K. 77. 
Reprefe, s. reproof, J. after 316. 
Repreue, v. reprove, J. 265. 
Requere, v. require, make request, 

K. 195. 
Resemble, v. compare, J. 43. 
^Ressaue, v. receive, K. 52, 123, 145. 
Rethorikly, adv. rhetorically, ele- 
gantly, K. 7. 
Retrograde, adj. backward, unpro- 

pitious, K. 170. 
Reule, Reulen, v. rule, K. 15, J. 350, 

Reuth, s. ruth, pity, K. 137, J. 180. 
Rew, V. pity, K. 63. 
Riall, adj. royal, K. 125. 
Richess, s. riches, J. 126. 
Rody, adj. ruddy, K. i. 
Rois, s. rose, J. ^g, passim. 

1 66 


Rong, v.p.p. rung, J. 396, K. 33. 

Ronne, v. p.p. run : see Y-ronne. 

Rought, V. pret. o/rek, cared, K. 27. 

Rowm, adj. spacious, K. 77. 

Rude, s. rood, cross, K. 139. 

Rut, s. root, C. (a) 2. 

Rycht, adv. very, J. 36, 582, passim, 

K. passim. 
Ryght, adj. straight, right, K. 124. 
Ryn, V. run, J. 517. 
Rynsid, v. pret. rinsed, cleansed, 

made pure, K. i. 
Ryuere, s. river, J. 20, K. 150. 

Sable, adj. or s. sable, K. 157. 

Sad, adj. serious, grave, earnest, K. 

96, J. 264, 
Sakelese, adj. sackless, innocent, J. 

Salamoun, s. Solomon, J. 404. 
Sail, V. shall, J. 248, K. passim. 
Salute, V. pret. saluted, K. 98. 
Salvatoure, s. Saviour, J. 434. 
Samplis, s. pi. examples, J. 380. 
Samyn, adj. same, J. 7, 366. 
Sanct, s. saint, K. 23, 62, 191. 
Saturne, s. Saturn, K. 122 
\ Sauf, adj. safe, K. 143. 
Saugh, V. pret. saw, J. 35. 
Saulis, s. pi. souls, K. 123. 
Scant, adj. free, void, J. 198. 
Scele, s. skill, K. 7, a.r. 
Schap, s. shape, K. 47. 
Schape, v. shape, fashion, provide, 

K. 69 ; Schapith, imper. K. 102. 
Sche, pron. she, J. 39, passim, K. 

Schene, adj. bright, sheen, K. 95. 
Schent, v. p.p. disgraced, destroyed, 

J- 390. 
Schet, V. pret. shut, K. 8. 
Sche we, v. shew, J. 166. 
Schire, adj. bright, clear, K. 76. 
Schold, see Schuld, J. 217. 
Schouris, s. pi. showers, J. 2. 
Schowe, V. push, J. 456. 
Schrew, v. curse, J. 581 . 
Schuld, V. should, J. 100, passim, K. 

Schuldris, s. pi. shoulders, K. 96. 
Schupe, V. pret. shaped, fashioned, 

K. 24. 
Sclander, s. slander, J. 397. 
Scole, s. school, K. 7. 
Se, V. see, K. iii. 
Secretee, s. secrecy, K. 97. 
See, s. sea, K. 22. 
Seildin, adv. seldom, K. 9. 

Sek-cloth, s. sack-cloth, K. log. 
Seke, V. seek, K. 29. 
Seke, adj. sick, K. 58. 
Sekernesse, s. certainty, security, 

K. 5. 
Sekirly, adv. certainly, J. 65. 
Sekirnesse, s. security, certainty, K. 

Seknesse, 5. sickness, K. in. 
Seluen,/>-o». self, J. 172. 
Sely, adj. simple, weak, K. 44, J. 235. 
Sen, conj. since, J. 87, K. 44. 
Sene, v. see, K. 67, passim, ]. 97, 100. 
Sentence, s. sentiment, opinion, J. 

321, K. 149. 
Septre, s sceptre, K. 107. 
Sere, adj. several, many, J. 322. 
Seruand, s. servant, K. 86, 113, 114. 
Sett, Set, conj. though, J. 186, 

504, passim. 
Setten, v. set, K. 37. 
Sevynt, adj. seventh, J. 7. 
^ Sew, V. follow, J. 529, C. (a) 4. 
Seyne, v. for seyen, say, K. 27. 
Sichit, Sikit, v. pret. sighed, J. 52, 95. 
Sicht, s. sight, J. 115. 
Signifere, s. the zodiac, K. 76. 
Sike, V. sigh, K. 44. 
Simplese, s. simplicity, K. 194. 
Sith, conj. since, J. 563. 
Sitt, V. 3 sing. pres. ind., sits, K. 196. 
Slake, V. relax, K. 161. 
Slawe, adj. slow, K. 155. 
Sleuch, V. pret. slew, J. 384, 391. 
Sleuth, s. sloth, K. iig, 120, J. 12. 
Slokin, V. quench, slake, K. 69, 168. 
Sloppare, adj. slippery, K. 163. 
Slungin, v. p.p. slung, K. T65. 
Smaragdyne, s. emerald, K. 155. 
Smert, v. ache, smart, K. 8. 
Smert, adj. painful, J. 6. 
Smert, s. pain, J. 100. 
Snawe, s. snow, K. 67. 
Sobir, adj. quiet, tranquil, earnest, 

J. 18, 196. 
Sobirly, adv. gravely, J. 47, 53. 
Socoure, j. succour, K. 100. 
Socht, V. pret. sought. K. 165, a.r. 
Sodayn, adj. sudden, K. 40. 
Soiurne, s. sojourn, abode, residence, 

K. 113. 
Solempnit, adj. solemn, K. 79. 
Solitare, adj. solitary, J. 19. 
Somer, s. summer, K. 34. 
Sone, adv. soon, J. 217, passim. 
Sonne, s. sun, J. 8, 24, K. no. 
Souiraine, ». sovereign, K. 181. 
'k Soun, s. sound, K. 13, passim. 




Sound, V. tend, accord, J. 524. 

Soyte, s. suit, dress, K. 64. 

Spak, V. pyet. spake, J. 53. 

bpane, i. span, C. (a) 7. 

Spang, s. spangle, buckle, K. 47. 
-Spede, V. profit, benefit, K. 28. 
^Spere, s. sphere, K. 76. 

Sperk, s. spark, spot, small splinter, 
K. 48. 

Sprad, V. pret. spread, K. 21. 

Spurn, V. kick, stumble, K. i86. 

Stage, s. station, K. 9. 

Stale, s. stall, place prison, K. 169. 

Standar, «4/. fond of standing, K. 156. 

Stant, V. stands, J. 301, passim. 

Starf, V. pret. o/steruen, died, K. 139. 

Staunt, see Stant, J. 483. 
I Stede, s. place, stead, K. 165. 
-*Steik, V. close, stitch, C. (b), 7. 

Stellifyit, v. p.p. made a star, K. 52. 

Stent, V. pret., variant of stynt, stop, 
cease, K. 5. 
■^ Stere, i. pilot, ruler, K. 195. 

Stere, s. guidance, K. 130. 

Stereles, adj. without helm, without 
helmsman (?), K. 15, 16. 
V Sterre, s. star, K. i, gg. 
•^Sterue, v. die, J. 92. 

Stond, V. stand, K. 88. 

Stone, s. cell, cloister, J. 267 ; stone, 

K- 72, 73- 
Stound, s. short period of time, space, 

K. 53, 118. 
Stramp, v. tramp, tread firmly, C. (a), 

Strang, adj. strong, K. 149. 
■i Straucht, Straught, adv. straight, K. 

151, 158- 
Strecne, v. stretch, K. 169. 
Streme, s. stream, K. 103. 
Strong, adj. hard, rigorous, J. 

K. 68, adv. 
Stude, V. pret. stood, K. 97. 
Sudaynly, sodaynly, sodeynly, 

suddenly, J. 63, K. passim. 
Sueuenyng, s. dreaming, suggested 

reading, K. 174. 
Suerd, s. sword, J. 486. 
Suete-having, i. pleasant demeanour, 

graciousness, J. 133. 
Sufiiciance, s. enough, K. 183. 
SuflSsance, s. sufficiency, competence, 

J. 128, passim. 
Suffrance, s. suffering, J. 25, 198. 
Suich, Suche, adj. such, J. 66, 394, 

407, passim. 
Suld, V. should, J. 124, passim, K. 

27, passim. 



Suoun, adj. in a swoon, K. 73. 
Supplee, s. help, assistance, J. 316. 
Surcote, s. upper coat, K. 160. 
Suspect, V. p.p. suspected, K. 137. 
Sustene, v. sustain, J. 29, 234. 
Suth, adj. sooth, true, J. i'ii, passim. 
Syne, adv. afterwards, J. 384, K. 192. 
Syne, adv. then, J. 501, 517. 
Synthius (Cynthius), s. the sun, K. 20. 
Syte, s. grief, suffering, J. 548. 
Sytfyn, v. sit, J. 155. 

Ta, V. take, J. 73. 
Tabart, s. coat. 




tunic, tabard 

Tak, V. p.p. taken, K. 193. 
Take, v. p.p. taken, K. 90, J. 118. 
Takenyng, s. token, K. 176. 
Takin, s. token, K. 118. 
Takyn, i. token, sign, K. 41. 
Tald, V. pret. told, K. 23. 
Teris, s. pi. tears, J. 102. 
Termes, s. pi. language, expression, 

diction, J. 185, 588. 
Thai, pron. they, J. 265, passim. 
Thai, pron. those, J. 113. 
Thaim, Tham, Thame, pron. them, 

K. and J. passim. 
Than, adv. then, K. 4, 63, J 88. 
Thank, v. thank, suggested reading, 

K. 196. 
Thank, i. thought, gratitude, act 

thanksgiving, K. 124, 182, 184. 
Thare, adv. there, J. 28, passim. 
That, adv. so, J. 307, K. 42. 
Thedir, adv. thither, J. 42r. 
Ther-ageyne, against this, K. 91. 
Thesiphone, s. Tisiphone, K. 19, J. 

Thidder-wart, adv. thitherward, K. 

Thilk, the ilk, the same, J. 86, K. 5, 

Thir, pron. these, J. 235, 237, K. 6, 

Tho, adv. then, J. 14. 
Tho, pron. those, K. 39, 172, a.r. 
Thouch, conj. though, J. 171. 
Thrall, adj. bond, C. (a) 8. 
Thrawe, s. space, turn, K. 35. 
Thre, adj. three, K. 22. 
Thrid, adj. third, K. 95. 
Throuch, prep, through, J. 67, passim. 
Tiklyng, s. tickling, K. 21. 
Till, prep, to, J. 526. 
Tippit, V. p.p. tipped, K. 157. 
Tissew, s. fine undergarment, K. 49. 
To, adv. too, J. 438. 



To-fore, adv. before, J. 31, 517, K. i, 

V To-forowe, adv. before, K. 23. 
To-gider, adv. together, K. 64. 
Toke, Tuke, v. pret. took, K. passim. 
Tokening, s. token, sign, K. 119 ; see 

Tolter, adj. insecure, tottery, shaky, 

K. g. 
V Tolter, adv. in skaky fashion, K. 164. 
■^ Tone, V. p.p. taken, J. 418, 575. 
■^Tone, in the tone, that one, the one, 

J. 458. 
Tong, s. tongue, language, J. 394, 409, 

K. 7. 
Tonne, s. cask, barrel, J. 537, 
Touert, prep, toward, with regard to 

alternative reading, K. i, 174. 
Toure, s. tower, K. 31. 
Tovia,r A, prep, with reference to, K. 46. 
To-wrye, v. twist, turn, K. 164. 
*Traist, v. trust, K. 130. 
Translate, v. transform, K. 8. 
Trauaille, s. labour, K. 14. 
Trauerse, s. screen ; see trevesse, 

K. 90. 
Trechorye, s. treachery, K. 134. 
Trevesse, s. screen, K. 82. 
Tueyne, adj. twain, K. 42. 
Tuo, Two, adj. two, J. 113. 
Turment, v. p.p. tormented, J. 62, 591. 
Turment, ». torment, K. 19, passim. 
Turture, s. turtle dove, K. 177. 
Twies, adv. twice, suggested reading, 

K. 25. 
Twine, v. to twist, K. 25. 
Twist, s. twig, K. 33. 
Tyde, s. time, K. 160. 
Tyrane, s. tyrant, J. 278. 

Vaille, V. avail, J. 502. 
■ ^1 Vale, V. same as avale, descend, K. 172. 
^•^ Varyit : see Waryit. 

Variant, adj. unstable, changeable, 
K. 137. 

Venemyt, v. p.p. poisoned, en- 
venomed, J. 535. 

Venus, s. Venus, K. 69, passim. 

Veray, Verray, adj. and adv. very, 
true, J. 333, K. 5. 

Vere, s. spring, K. 20. 

Vere, s. fear, J. 229. 

Verreis, v. wearies, J. 303. 

Vertew, s. power, force : see Vertu, 
K. 74. 

Vertew, s. virtue, K. passim. 

Vertewis, adj. virtuous, C. 2. 

Vertu, s. power, strength, K. 20. 

Viage, s. journey, voyage, K. 15. 
Virking, s. working, activity, K. 188. 
Vmbre, i. umbra, shadow, K. 134. 
Vnconnyng, s. lack of skill, J. 587. 
Vncouth, adj. unknown, strange, K. 


Vncouthly, adv. strangely, K. 9 

Vndemyt, adj. unjudged, J. 268. 

Vndertake, v. p.p. undertaken, K. 63. 

Vnkyndenes, v. unkindness, K. 87. 

Vnknawin, adj. unknown, K. 105. 

Vnknawin, v. p.p. unknown, K. 45. 

Vnknewe, Vnknowe, adj. unknown, 
J- 64, 455, 529. 

Vnnethis, adv. scarcely, with diffi- 
culty, K. 98. 

Vnquestionate, adj. unquestioned, 
K. 125. 

Vnrypit, adj. immature, unripened, 
K. 14. 

Vnsekernesse, s. insecurity, uncer- 
tainty, K. 15. 

Vnsekir, adj. uncertain, variable, K. 6. 

Voce, s, voice, K. 74 : see Woce. 

Void, V. dispel, expel, empty, K. 155. 

Void, adj. vacant, K. 164. 

Vre, s. luck, chance, K. 10. 

Vschere, s. usher, door-keeper, K. 97. 

Vse, V. use, in sense of being the 
habit of, J. 443. 

Vtheris, adj. pi. others, J. 358, passim. 

Vtrid, V. p.p. uttered, expressed, K 

Waill, 0. wail, J. 210. 

Wald, V. would, K. passim, J. passim . 
see Wold. 

Walk, V. wake, K. 173. 
AWalkyn, v. awake, J. 12, K. 173. 

Wallowit, V. p.p. withered, C. 2. 

Wan, 0. pret. gained, K. 5. 

War, V. pret. was, K. 182. 

War, V. were, J. 171. 

Ware, adj. wary, aware, K. 164. 

Waryit, Varyit, v. p.p. cursed, ac- 
cursed, J. 80, 239. 

Warld, s. world, J. 24, K. passim. 

Wate, Wote, v. know, K. 60, J. 83. 

Wawis, Wavis s. pi. waves, K. 16, 
J- 550. 

Wayke, adj. weak, K. 14. 

Weill, s. wealth, prosperity, C. (a), 3. 

Wele, adv. well, very, K. passim, J. 
33, 36. 

Wele-willing, s. benevolence, J. 125. 

Wepe, V. weep, J. 57. 

Werdes, s. pi. fates, destinies, K. 9, 



Were, v. wear, K. 160. 

Werely, adj. warlike, K. 155. 

Weren, v. pret. pi. were, K. 24. 
>^Werk, s. work, K. no. 
^Wers, adj. worse, K. 95. 

Wexit, V. pret. waxed, J. 98. 

Weye, s. way, K. 85. 

Wicht, s. wight, J. 30, 134, passim. 

Wickit, adj. wicked, J. 168. 

Wikkitnese, s. wickedness, J. 240. 

Wile, s. trick, treachery, K. 134. 

Wilsum, adj. wilful, K. 19. 

Wirken, v. aflfect, influence, K. 68. 

Wise, adj. wise, J. 196. 

Wise, Wyse, s. way, J. i8g, igo. 

Wit, s. intellect, intelligence, J. 586. 

Wit, V. know, J. 122. 

Wite, V. blame, K. 183. 

Witt, V. know, understand, K. 128. 

Withoutyn, prep, without, J. 62, 
JWoce, Voce, s. voice, J. 58, K. 74, 83. 
\Wod, s. geii. woddis, wood, J. 21, 116. 
•^Afode, adj. wood, mad, J. 171. 

Wold, V. would, J. 145. 

Womanhede, s. womanhood, J. 214. 

Wonder, adv. exceedingly, marvel- 
lously, K. 96. 

Wonne, v. p.p. won, K. 34 : see 

Wortis, s. pi. vegetables, K. 156. 

Wostow, V. and pron. wouldest thou, 

K. 59- 
Wrang, v. wrong, injure, K. 92. 
Wrech, s. wretch, J. 299. 
Wrechit, adj. wretched, K. 177. 
Wrest, V, p p. tortured, twisted, K. 10. 
Wreth, V. same as writh, K. 146. 
Wring, u. lament, K. 57. 
Writ, V. 3 sing. pres. writes, K. 133. 
Write, 5. writing, J. 583. 
Writh, V. turn, direct, remove, K. 

107, 122. 
Writt, V. p.p. written, K. 196. 
Wrocht, V. p.p. wrought, J. 41, K. 77. 
Wrokin, v. p.p. of wreke, wreaked, 

avenged, K. 69. 
Wrye, on wrye, awry, aside, K. 73. 
Wy, s. wight, J. 256, 275. 
Wyce, s. vice, C. i (a), 5. 
Wydequhare, adv. everywhere, J. 396. 
Wyle, V. choose, K. 2, or s. device. 
Wyte', s. blame, K. 90, J. 470. 

Y-bete, v. beat ; see note, K. 116. 
Y-bought, V. p.p. bought, K. 36. 
Y-bound, v. p.p. bound, J. 473. 
Y-brent, v. p.p. burnt, J. 556. 
Y-brocht, v. p.p. brought, J. 253 
Y-callit, V. p.p. called, suggested 

reading, K. 170. 
Y-come, v. p.p. come, J. 61. 
Y-fret, V. p.p. devoured : see frete, 

J. 548. 
Y-gone, V. p.p. gone, J. 388. 
Y-ground, v. p.p. grounded, J. 474. 
Y-like, adv. alike, K. 70. 
Y-marterit, v. p.p. martyred, J. 370. 
Y-meynt, v. p.p. mingled, J. 40. 
Ympis, s. pi. imps, scions, offspring, 

K. 197, a.r. 
Ympnis, s. pi. hymns, K. 33. 
Y-murderit, v. p.p. murdered, J. 174, 
Yneuch, adj. enough, J. 539. 
Y-pynnit, v. p.p. pinned, K. 180, a.r. 
Ypocrite, s. hypocrite, J. 469. 
Ypocrisye, s. hypocrisy, K. 134. 
Y-ronne, v. p.p. run, J. 540. 
Ysamyn, adv. together, J. 113, O.E. 

Y-schapin, v. p.p. shaped, suggested 

reading, K. 48. 
Y-sett, v. p.p. set, J. 205. 
Y-sett, conj. although, J. 349. 
Y-slawe, v. p.p. slain, J. 174, 370. 
Y-stallit, V. p.p. installed, placed, K. 

Y-suffer, v. suffer, J. 369. 
Y-take, v. take, J. 525. 
Y-take, v. p.p. taken, J. 452. 
Y-thrungin, v. p.p. pressed, K. 165. 
Y-wallit, V. p.p walled, K. 159. 
Y-writte, v. p.p. written, J. 466. 

3a, adv. yea, K. 68. 

3alow, adj. yellow, K. 95. 

5ate, s. gate, K. 125. 

3elde, V. pay, yield, K. 52. 

3er, s. year, K. 22- 

Jere, s. year, K. 196. 

3it, conj., yet, J. 147, passim, K. 63, 

3ok s. yoke, K. 193. 
3ond, adv. yonder, K. 57, 83. 
3one, pron. yon, K. 83. 
3ong, adj. young, K. 40, passim. 
5outh, s. youth, J. 191, 208, K. 6, 14.